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            <author><surname>Moley</surname>, <forename>Raymond</forename>, 1886-1975</author>
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  <p>AN OUTLINE OF THE CLEVELAND CRIME SURVEY </p>
   <figure>
       THE CLEVELAND FOUNDATION1808 Swetland Building COMMITIEEJ. D. Williamson,
      Chairman Thomas L. Johnson Malcolm L. McBride W. H. Prescott Belle Sherwin Leonard P. Ayres,
      Secretary James R. Garfield, Counsel Raymond Moley, Director </figure>
   <figure>
       AN OUTLINE of THE CLEVELAND CRIME SURVEY BY RAYMOND MOLEY DIBECTOB OF THE
      CLEVELAND FOUNDATION 
      PUBLISHED BY. THE CLEVELAND FOUNDATION </figure>

   <p>COPYRIGHT, 1922, BYTHE CLEVELAND FOUNDATION </p>

   <p>FOREWORD THE Cleveland survey of criminal justice marked the culmination
      of a long period of growing public distrust in the quality of law enforcement in Cleveland.
      There had been all the symptoms so common to American cities, &quot;crime waves,&quot;
      official investigations, newspaper crusades, and constant political quarreling over
      responsibility for conditions. The survey shows that Cleveland's plight was attributable to
      deeper and more fundamental causes than any personal responsibility. It was rooted in
      conditions due to the great increase in the complexity of the problem of law enforcement,
      coupled with the persistent survival of antiquated methods and institutions. The remedy must
      come through a long series of reforms and readjustments in all the machinery for law
      enforcement. To analyze the exact conditions, to point out the reforms and readjustments, and
      to indicate the responsible agencies to lead this reform were the essential purposes of the
      survey. This review of the survey and the events which have followed its completion indicate
      clearly that already the survey has measurably succeeded in its purpose and that the process
      of careful self-examination is, after all, the most potent means of achieving fundamental
      social reforms. This account is, of course, in major part a digest of the survey itself. It
      has borrowed freely from the published reports, although in some measure new interpretations
      and arrangements have been made. For the selection, arrangement, and addition of material the
      author of this summary is alone responsible. It should be remembered that the conditions
      herein described were those of the period in which the survey was conducted-the first half of
      the year 1921. Many changes, both in personnel and method, have since taken place. [v) , </p>

   <p>TABLE OF CONTENTS </p>

   <p>PAGE </p>

   <p>FOREWORD </p>

   <p>V </p>

   <p>THE ORIGINS OF THE SURVEY 1 THE CLEVELAND FOUNDATION AND ITS WORK 2 </p>

   <p>THE SURVEY 2 THE STAFF OF THE SURVEY 3 POLICE ADMINISTRATION 5 </p>

   <p>Cleveland's First Line of Defense 5 General Organization of the Force 5 </p>

   <p>Selection and Training of Personnel 6 The Detective Bureau 8 The Modernization of Police
      Methods 8 </p>

   <p>General Recommendations 8 </p>

   <p>THE COURTS, THE JUDGES, AND THE PROSECUTORS </p>

   <p>The System in Brief </p>

   <p>The Paths and By-paths <figure actualtext="10 ">
          101010</figure> A Study in Pulls and Pressures 11 The Personnel of the
      Bench of Cleveland 14 </p>

   <p>The Municipal (&quot;Police&quot;) Court 19 </p>

   <p>The Criminal Branch of the Common Pleas Court 22 </p>

   <p>Criminal Justice and the Poor </p>

   <p>The County Clerk of Courts </p>

   <p>25 </p>

   <p>The Prosecutors and Their Work 25 </p>

   <p>The Municipal Prosecutor 27 The County Prosecutor's Office 29 Juries in Cuyahoga County 29
      Side Exits from the Temple of Justice 31 Summary of Recommendations for Judicial
      Administration and Prosecution 35 </p>

   <p>PENAL AND CORRECTIONAL TREATMENT </p>

   <p>Correction, Punishment, and Public Opinion Paroles </p>

   <p>Probation in the Municipal Court </p>

   <p>Pardons </p>

   <p>Proposed New Crimin8l ,)urts Building </p>

   <p>The Juvenile Court </p>

   <p>vii </p>

   <p>39 </p>

   <p>44</p>

   <p>44 </p>

   <p>PAGE</p>

   <p>MEDICAL ScIENCE AND CRIME 46 Science and Crime 46 The Adult Criminal 47 Juvenile Behavior
      Problems 48 The Obsolete Office of Coroner 49 THE BAR, THE PRESS, AND THE PUBLIC 51 The
      Atmosphere in Which Justice is Administered 51 The Responsibility of the Bar 51 The Newspapers
      and Criminal Justice 56 The Public 57 THE CLEVELAND ASSOCIATION FOR CRIMINAL JUSTICE 60 </p>
   <figure>

      
   </figure>

   <p>viii </p>
   <figure>

      
   </figure>

  
      <h4>AN OUTLINE OF THE CLEVELAND CRIME SURVEY </h4>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>

      <p>THE ORIGINS OF THE SURVEY </p>

      <p>HE first demands for a survey of criminal justice came from the Twelfare agencies of the
         city. In December, 1919, Professor C. E. Gehlke, of Western Reserve University, secretary
         of the Welfare Federation Committee on Delinquency, proposed to the Cleveland Foundation
         that it undertake a survey of the problem of delinquency, adult and juvenile. At that time
         Dr. Gehlke prepared for the Foundation Committee an outline for a survey of the
         administration of criminal justice in Cleveland. From this first formulation the plan grew
         until it was decided to undertake the work which was subsequently conducted along lines
         indicated by those responsible for the survey, now completed. A survey of such a subject,
         and upon so comprehensive a scale, cannot be lightly undertaken in any city at any time.
         Unless it has a reasonable assurance of the support of a very considerable body of public
         sentiment, a study penetrating so far into a field infested with intangible and subtle
         influences cannot hope to succeed. Conditions were probably as unsatisfactory in 1920 as in
         1921, but the public did not so profoundly realize it. So the Foundation waited a year for
         such a sentiment to appear. On November 10, 1920, Mayor W. S. FitzGerald addressed a letter
         to the Foundation, asking that there be considered &quot;a general survey of vice and crime
         conditions . . . to be conducted without bias of any kind and with the sole purpose of
         developing the facts.&quot; A week later the Cleveland Bar Association, through its
         executive committee, adopted a resolution requesting the Cleveland Foundation &quot;to
         conduct a survey of the administration of justice in Cleveland, with particular reference
         to the treatment of the offender, such a study to be the basis of constructive measures to
         improve the machinery for the administration of the law.&quot; It was resolved further that
         &quot;the precise scope of the survey and the selection of its personnel be left entirely
         within the discretion of the Foundation Committee.&quot; With this res</p>

      <p>[ 1 ] </p>

      <p>lution the Bar Association pledged &quot;hearty cooperation not only in making the survey,
         but in bringing about the adoption of the constructive measures therein recommended.&quot; </p>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>

      <p>These requests were followed by formal requests of the same general character from the
         Chamber of Commerce, the League of Women Voters, the Federation of Women's Clubs, the
         Welfare Federation, and a number of other organizations and individuals. </p>

      <p>THE CLEVELAND FOUNDATION AND ITS WORK </p>

      <p>The Cleveland Foundation, which conducted this survey of criminal justice, was founded in
         1914. The plan for this, the first of the community trusts, was formulated by F. H. Goff,
         and brought into existence by formal resolution of the board of directors of the Cleveland
         Trust Company. It provides a means for the distribution of bequests left by men and women
         interested in the social welfare of the city of Cleveland. During the early years of its
         existence its limited funds have been used for comprehensive studies of the life and
         institutions of the community. Two major surveys have been conducted by the Foundation-one
         of public education in 1915 and 1916 and one of recreation completed in 1919. In addition
         to these, the Foundation has conducted and published the results of several minor pieces of
         research, such as the Cleveland Year Book, an annual publication, and a Directory of
         Community Activities. </p>

      <p>The Cleveland Foundation is governed by a committee, three of the five members of which are
         chosen by the United States district judge, the probate judge, and the mayor of Cleveland.
         Two are appointed by the Cleveland Trust Company, the trustee of the funds of the
         Foundation. Thus a majority of the governing board are chosen by public officials and
         represent the public. </p>

      <p>THE SURVEY </p>

      <p>This survey of criminal justice in Cleveland was authorized by action of the Cleveland
         Foundation Committee on January 4, 1921. Field work was started on February 1 and was
         completed in June. The reports were written and revised during the summer months of 1921,
         and were, with one exception, given to the public in September and October. A total of 35
         staff workers were employed for various periods of time during the progress of the work. </p>

      <p>The total cost of the survey was about $50,000. </p>

      <p>[ 2 1 THE STAFF OF THE SURVEY </p>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>

      <p>DIRECTORS </p>

      <p>ROSCOE POUND </p>

      <p>Dean of Harvard University Law School </p>

      <p>FELIX FRANKFURTER </p>

      <p>Byrne Professor of Administrative Law, Harvard University Law School </p>

      <p>SPECIAL DIVISIONS OF INQUIRY </p>

      <p>POLICE </p>

      <p>RAYMOND FOSDICK </p>

      <p>Author of American Police Systems </p>

      <p>JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION </p>

      <p>REGINALD HEBER SMITH </p>

      <p>Author of Justice and the Poor, member of the Boston Bar </p>

      <p>HERBERT B. EHRMANN </p>

      <p>Member of the Boston Bar </p>

      <p>PROSECUTION </p>

      <p>ALFRED BETTMAN </p>

      <p>Formerly city solicitor of Cincinnati, and special assistant to the United States Attorney
         General </p>

      <p>HOWARD F. BURNS </p>

      <p>Of the Cleveland Bar </p>

      <p>PENAL AND CORRECTIONAL TREATMENT </p>

      <p>BURDETTE G. LEWIS </p>

      <p>State commiBBioner of institutions and agencies of New Jersey </p>

      <p>PSYCHIATRY AND MEDICAL RELATIONS </p>

      <p>DR. HERMAN M. ADLER State criminologist of Illinois </p>

      <p>LEGAL EDUCATION </p>

      <p>ALBERT M. KALES Formerly professor of law at Harvard University </p>

      <p>NEWSPAPERS AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE </p>

      <p>M. K. WISEHART </p>

      <p>American Magazine, New York </p>

      <p>C. E. GEHLKE Statistical director of the survey </p>

      <p>J. W. LOVE </p>

      <p>Editorial director </p>

      <p>[ 3] </p>

      <p>A local advisory committee was chosen. It was made up of 50 citizens. The chairman of this
         committee was Amos Burt Thompson, a member of the Cleveland Bar. </p>

      <p>In the process of investigation and in the preparation of reports the survey staff was
         given complete freedom. When the reports were completed, they were submitted to sections of
         the advisory committee for criticism and suggestions. They were then submitted, in most
         cases, to the public officials directly concerned, in order that agreement might be reached
         upon all matters of fact. For example, the police report was submitted to the chief of
         police, the prosecution report to the chief prosecutors. Criticisms were invited, freely
         given, and carefully considered by the authors of the reports. The reports were not always
         changed to meet these suggestions, but, in the main, this method was an invaluable aid in
         arriving at accuracy and fairness. After this searching process of revision the reports
         were given to the public. </p>

      <p>Several luncheon meetings were held by the Foundation, at which the reports were presented
         by their authors. At each of these meetings an effort was made to bring together the
         persons in the community specifically interested in the report presented. For example, the
         report on &quot;Medical Relations&quot; was given before the membership of the Academy of
         Medicine, the police report before many police officials. </p>

      <p>The newspaper support which the survey received was a very important factor in its success.
         The public spirit of all of the daily papers was shown in the fact that many columns of
         space were invariably given to the reports. This, in spite of the fact that from the
         standpoint of &quot;news&quot; value reports of this kind are long and technical. The
         newspaper summaries were made by the newspapers themselves, and were in the main accurately
         and intelligently prepared. Editorial comment, cartoons, and other special forms of
         emphasis very greatly added to the public influence of the survey. </p>

      <p>( 4 ) </p>
      <figure>
          POLICE ADMINISTRATION CLEVELAND'S FIRST LINE OF DEFENSE MR. FOSDICK
         thus pictures the Cleveland police force of 1921: &quot;The present police department of
         Cleveland dates from 1866. Since 1866 Cleveland has grown from a small town to the fifth
         city in the United States. It has grown not only in size, but in the heterogeneity of its
         population and in the complexity of its social and business life. From a town in which many
         people knew each other intimately and thus furnished a substantial degree of
         self-protection and aid to the police, Cleveland has become , like all other communities of
         its size in modern times, a city of strangers. &quot;In contrast with this complex growth
         of the city the police department of 1921 is little more than a physical enlargement of the
         department of 1866. . . . . The police department has shown no such vitality, no such
         capacity to make itself over on a new and improved pattern, no willingness to reshape its
         methods to modern demands. Instead, it has hewn to the line of tradition, ventured almost
         nothing in experiment, and copied very little from the experience of other private and
         public organizations. Today the patrol force is distributed and managed exactly as it was
         twenty or thirty years ago. There is nothing new in the detective service save faces and a
         few meager records. Traffic regulation has been developed, but this modern necessity has
         been met only by draining the department's resources for coping with crime. . . .
         Practically the same methods are employed for combating crime that were used when Cleveland
         was just a big neighborhood in which the police knew everybody. . . . &quot; A general
         picture of the police service in Cleveland gives the impression of a group of men,
         singularly free from scandal and vicious corruption, but working ina rut, without
         intelligence or constructive policy, on an unimaginative, perfunctory routine.&quot;l
         GENERAL ORGANIZATION OF THE FORCE The survey points out that one of the fundamental
         troubles with the police force in Cleveland is the ambiguity wq.ich the city charter
         creates in the very important matter of who is the boss of the force. The police 1 Criminal
         Justice in Cleveland, pp. 6-9. All references herein made not otherwise noted refer to the
         consolidated volume containing all of the survey reports, entitled, &quot;Criminal Justice
         in Cleveland.&quot; [ 5] </figure>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>

      <p>of Cleveland are constituted as a division of the department of public I'!afety at the head
         of which is a director of public safety, appointed by the mayor. At the head of the
         division of police is a chief of police, ap</p>

      <p>. PQinted by the mayor and subject to civil service rules and regulations. </p>

      <p>The rank and file of the police personnel are appointed by the director of public safety.
         In the very important matter of the appointment, discipline, and dismissal of the police
         officers the chief is actually given very little power. He cannot appoint: he can only
         suspend and submit his decision to the will of the director of safety, who in turn is
         subject to being overruled by the civil service commission. </p>

      <p>The survey points out that the whole system is admirably suited for the favorite game of
         passing the buck-an especially useful game where public criticism is involved. </p>

      <p>SELECTION AND TRAINING OF PERSONNEL </p>

      <p>The outstanding features of present provisions for the selection and training of personnel
         are as follows: </p>

      <l>
         <li>
            <li_label>(a) </li_label>

            <li_title>A very large majority of the force are drawn from various types of manual
               work. Most of these are unskilled or semi-skilled,. and few of them have the
               intellectual equipment necessary for good police work. </li_title>
         </li>

         <li>
            <li_label>(b) </li_label>

            <li_title>The men appointed to the police force come in too late in life. </li_title>
         </li>
      </l>

      <p>They are, in general, over twenty-five years of age, which is somewhat too old to guarantee
         the proper sort of material for subsequent training. The survey recommends that a maximum
         of thirty years should be placed upon entrance to the force, while every effort should be
         made to bring in men under twenty-five. </p>

      <l>
         <li>
            <li_label>(c) </li_label>

            <li_title>A study of the appointments, resignations, and dismissals shows that there is
               an excessive turnover in the force. About one-quarter of the new recruits leave
               during the first year of service, and half of them within four or five years. Because
               of this fact the force always includes a large proportion of inexperienced men and
               also, presumably, of dissatisfied men who are looking for an opportunity to leave.
            </li_title>
         </li>

         <li>
            <li_label>(d) </li_label>

            <li_title>The personnel of the department indicates that the Cleveland civil service
               commission has seemingly been unable to go much beyond a mere sorting out of
               available applicants to the force. Very little effort has been made to go out into
               the field and bring in better material. </li_title>
         </li>
      </l>

      <p>POLICE TRAINING SCHOOL </p>

      <p>One of the most commendable achievements in the department has been the creation of a
         full-time training course of eight weeks for recruits. </p>

      <p>[6 ) </p>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>
      <figure>
          The survey suggests that the school be developed in such a way as to
         become the staff agency of the department serving as a personnel service division. It
         should take over much of the responsibility for conducting personality tests and
         determinations of efficiency and of adaptability to certain kinds of police work. CLEVELAND
         CONDUCTS WRITTEN EXAMINATIONS FOR PROMOTION &quot;IABSOLUTELY split off from the bulk of my
         professional civil service reform friends when they advocated written competitive
         examinations for promotion. In the police department I found these examinations a serious
         handicap in the way of getting the best men promoted, and never in any office did I find
         that the written competitive promotion examination did any good. . . . When once in office,
         the best way to test any man's ability is by long experience in seeing him actually at
         work. His promotion should depend upon the judgment formed of him by his superiors.&quot;
         -ROOSEVELT, Autobiography PROMOTION AND DISCIPLINE Promotions are governed entirely by the
         rules and regulations of the civil service commission, and are based upon written
         examinations conducted by the commission. The survey points out that the formality and the
         attention given to purely negative qualities by this system of promotion are such as to
         allow small opportunity to give credit for really valuable work performed as a policeman.
         Initiative, zeal in the carrying on of work, ability to get work out of others, creative
         imagination, are not adequately taken into consideration when promotions are based upon
         such a test. The confusion in authority, which has already been described, reaps its most
         bitter fruit in the loss of morale in the department because of lack of adequate
         disciplinary power. The survey states that the &quot;whole force needs toning up. It needs
         to be imbued with vigor and fIolertness-. This means discipline; it means strict observance
         of the letter of the department regulat.i01l8. It means the exaction of a full measure of
         compliance with police duties. This discipline cannot be had when there is [7 ) </figure>

      <p>no definite person to whom the men can look for reward for good services performed and to
         whom they are held accountable when their work has not been well performed.&quot; </p>

      <p>THE DETECTIVE BUREAU </p>

      <p>.Detectives are selected from the uniformed force by the chief of police. There are 81
         patrolmen now serving as detectives. These detectives are supposed to be the cream of the
         uniformed force, but, in a test made by the application of the United States Army Alpha
         Test for mental ability, it was found that the mounted police, the traffic police, and
         other groups show higher degrees of mental ability than detectives. No one of the entire
         group of men in the detective force was shown by the mental test to have &quot;very
         superior&quot; intelligence. About 25 per cent. are possessed of inferior intelligence,
         which means that they have the mentality of boys from nine to thirteen. This is attested by
         numerous examples of poor detective work cited by the survey. </p>

      <p>THE MODERNIZATION OF POLICE METHODS </p>

      <p>The survey points out very definitely that certain changes are needed in the routine
         operations of the police force in order to bring it into Hne with the development of the
         city and modern improvements in police technic. There should be a complete reorganization
         of police districts, because changes in population and in methods of transportation have
         completely altered the problems of police work. There should be a reorganization of police
         beats. </p>

      <p>The much mooted question of how many policemen Cleveland should have is not answered
         definitely because a proper organization of the force will mean a great improvement of
         service with the present force. The survey points out that Cleveland has 174 policemen per
         1,000 population, while Detroit has 194. Cleveland is, from the standpoint of numbers, much
         behind St. Louis, which has 250 men per 1,000. </p>

      <p>GENERAL RECOMMENDATIONS </p>

      <p>1. There should be a clear line of responsibility running from a single head through the
         whole organization. A single leader should be in immediate charge of the force. This leader
         should, if necessary, be drawn from outside of Cleveland. He should be a civilian
         administrative head, and he should be paid an adequate salary and given permanent
         appointment. </p>

      <p>[ 8] </p>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>

      <l>
         <li>
            <li_label>2. </li_label>

            <li_title>The personnel of the force should be improved in character. Men should be
               drawn into the force at an earlier age, and every effort should be made to keep them
               for a longer time. The maximum age should be thirty, with an attempt made to secure
               men under twenty-five. </li_title>
         </li>

         <li>
            <li_label>3. </li_label>

            <li_title>Promotion should be put squarely up to the director of police already
               recommended, who should have entire control over the determination of promotions and
               should be assisted in this work by a board of promotion made up of members of the
               force itself, chosen from the higher ranks. This would remove to a very large extent
               the present authority of the civil service commission in the matter of promotion.
            </li_title>
         </li>

         <li>
            <li_label>4. </li_label>

            <li_title>In matters involving discipline, the director of police should have final and
               complete determination. </li_title>
         </li>

         <li>
            <li_label>5. </li_label>

            <li_title>In recruiting the detective force it should be possible to draw men from
               outside of the force directly into the detective bureau. </li_title>
         </li>

         <li>
            <li_label>6. </li_label>

            <li_title>The patrol service should be reorganized to accommodate the changes which the
               use of motor equipment demands. There should be more motor equipment used in regular
               patrol work, patrol booths should be established, police precincts should be
               consolidated to reduce the number from 15 to seven or eight, and the present patrol
               beats should be rearranged. </li_title>
         </li>

         <li>
            <li_label>7. </li_label>

            <li_title>There should be a special service division in charge of crime prevention, and
               other specialized work which has come to be a part of legitimate police interest.
            </li_title>
         </li>

         <li>
            <li_label>8. </li_label>

            <li_title>There should also be a secretarial division and an adequate system of records.
            </li_title>
         </li>
      </l>

      <p>Note: line 25 should reacl: ..... 174 policemen per 100 ,000 population. Line 27:
         &#8226;&#8226;&#8226;&#8226; 250 man per 100 ,000 .. </p>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>

      <p>[9 ] </p>

      <p>THE COURTS, THE JUDGES, AND THE PROSE CUTORS </p>

      <p>THE SYSTEM IN BRIEF </p>

      <p>" HE present method of administering criminal law is built ?pon two court systems, two
         prosecutors' offices, and a grand </p>

      <p>T</p>

      <p>Jury.</p>

      <p>tiThe criminal division of the Municipal Court has jurisdiction over misdemeanors,
         violations of city ordinances, and preliminary examinations in cases of felony. A defendant
         who desires a jury trial in the Municipal Court must claim it seasonably, but there are
         relatively few such trials. </p>

      <p>tlWhen a person is arrested for a felony, the Municipal Court holds a preliminary
         examination, unless the defendant waives his right to such examination. If the court finds
         there is probable cause or the examination is waived, the court has the power to 'bind
         over' to the grand jury. The grand jury sits practically continuously except during July
         and August. The prosecuting attorney for Cuyahoga County presents evidence to the grand
         jury, and if a prima facie case is made out, the grand jury returns a 'true bill,' stating
         the crime for which the defendant is indicted. After this, the case proceeds before a judge
         of the Common Pleas Court through the usual stages of arraignment, plea, trial, and
         disposition. In all its essentials the theory of handling felonies is the same as it has
         been for many generations in village and city alike throughout the United States.&quot;
         (Pp. 231-232.) </p>

      <p>THE PATHS AND BY-PATHS </p>

      <p>In the graphic manner shown on page 11 the survey has portrayed the tortuous process by
         which society seeks to protect itself against its enemies. To the layman the criminal law
         means a jury trial in open court. Thus it is portrayed in romance, newspapers, and the
         drama. But to the criminal lawyer it is a process, nine-tenths of which is operating in the
         dark, subject to powerful pressures evoked by those who desire to save an accused from
         punishment. </p>

      <p>&quot;In the first place, many offenses are committed for which no one is arrested. </p>

      <p>This is a problem of police administration. After an arrest is made, the police may release
         the prisoner because of insufficient evidence, or turn him over to other authorities. In
         Cleveland there is a practice in the police department of </p>

      <p>( 101 </p>
      <figure>
          Diagram I.-The path of justice IXX2I Poli &#8226;&#8226; jur..4ictioft_
         Municipll CI!Wt JvriMidilllG&quot;'1I4Juryt:::J c..,.... PIiu court......1&#163;.
         releasing, or 'golden-ruling,' first offenders, but this practice is rarely used in felony
         cases. These matters are all questions of police policy. Once a man is held, however, the
         judicial processes begin to operate. The police prosecutor may report 'no papers,' in which
         case the prisoner is released without further proceeding. Or the police prosecutor may move
         to 'nolle '-i. e., MUe prosequithe case, which also liberates the prisoner. The lower court
         may find that there is 'no probable cause' and discharge the prisoner. The grand jury may
         fail to indict a defendant by returning a finding of 'no bill.' If a man is indicted, the
         prosecuting attorney in the Common Pleas Court may move to 'nolle' the case. The defendant
         may plead guilty, either on arraignment or by change of plea later. Throughout this
         procedure there is always the possibility of the defendant jumping bail should his case
         assume a hopeless aspect.&quot; (Pp. 234-235.) A STUDY IN PULLS AND PRESSURES Public
         &quot;demands&quot; for severity do not help much. They merely change the incidence of
         pressure for leniency. In 1919 a wide-spread clamor for more severity, carefully stimulated
         by newspapers, brought about a very great decrease in paroles. The survey shows this
         decrease by printing two pages from the conviction books of the Common Pleas Court. One
         page, dated 1917, shows that of 35 convictions, the court allowed 24 paroles. Another page
         taken from 1920 shows only three [ 11 ] </figure>

      <p>paroles among 35 convictions. The lesson taught by this comparison is twofold. It
         demonstrates the totally unscientific character of parole methods. They are granted, it
         seems, not because of ascertained and well-considered reasons, but for the purpose of
         making public demonstrations of compliance with popular clamor. Mr. Dooley's sage
         observation that the courts &quot;folly the iliction returns&quot; is outdone. The courts
         anticipate the election returns. This shifting sentiment is thus described in the survey:
         &quot;In the old game of 'Donkey ' the blindfolded player often relies upon the cheers of
         the onlookers to guide him to the spot where he can pin the animal's tail in its proper
         place. In like manner the judges, deprived of the opportunity of forming their own judgment
         upon all the facts, are often prone to follow the clamor of the press and public. When the
         cry is 'thumbs up,' paroles issue in abundance; but when it is 'thumbs down,' both the good
         and the wicked travel the same road.&quot; </p>

      <p>Such a change of policy does not dampen the ardor of the criminal lawyer. He merely shifts
         his attack to a less conspicuous sector, which soon yields the same result as before. The
         survey says that there is a sort of Gresham's law in the administration of justice. Just as
         cheaper currency tends to drive out dearer, so the &quot;easy&quot; agencies tend to oust
         the &quot;stricter&quot; of jurisdiction. The following diagram shows how the political
         criminal lawyers met the increasing severity of judges by efforts to get nolles from the
         prosecutors and thus keep cases out of court. It covers a period of seven years.</p>

      <p>Per cent bench were at all cases sentenced</p>

      <p>cent. <figure actualtext="per ">
             PerPer </figure> cent. <figure actualtext="casel ">
             caselcasel </figure> Dolled were of all case. that &quot;.re</p>

      <p>35 </p>

      <p>30 </p>

      <p>25</p>

      <p>20 </p>

      <p>15</p>

      <p>10 </p>

      <p>1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920 </p>

      <p>2.-Comparison of decline of &quot;bench paroling&quot; with increase of allowing<figure>
               
         </figure> pr08equi&quot; </p>

      <p>[ 12] </p>

      <p>Thus the public, unorganized and short-sighted, gets no real results for its righteous
         indignation. The political criminal lawyer continues </p>

      <p>OF 1,000 FEWNY ARRESTS</p>

      <p>127 were disposed of by the police </p>

      <p>85 were &quot;noIled&quot; or &quot;no-papered&quot; by the police prosecutor </p>

      <p>143 were discharged or dismissed or found guilty of a misdemeanor in Municipal Court </p>

      <p>139 were&quot; no-billed&quot; by the grand jury </p>

      <p>107 were &quot;nolled&quot; by the county prosecutor </p>

      <p>91 made an original plea of guilty </p>

      <p>148 changed the plea to guilty </p>

      <p>42 were variously disposed of </p>

      <p>118 came to trial </p>

      <p>Diagram 3.-The disposition of each 1,000 cases of felony arrests </p>

      <p>[ 13] </p>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>

      <p>to operate at the old stand. He follows the example of the wise farmer who rotates his
         crops. </p>

      <p>Diagram 3 is based upon a study of the 4,499 felony cases begun in the Common Pleas Court
         during 1919, supplemented by information supplied by the police department. It shows how
         far from the truth is the popular conception of cases decided in court with all the
         traditional formality of a &quot;trial&quot; present. Only one in 10 came to fruition in
         such surroundings. </p>

      <p>&quot;</p>

      <p>THE PERSONNEL OF THE BENCH OF CLEVELAND </p>

      <p>As to the judges of the Common Pleas Court, the conclusion of the survey was that, as a
         group, the Common Pleas Bench would probably compare favorably with county courts in other
         metropolitan jurisdictions. Criticism largely centers on its want of fine traditions,
         absence of dignity, and lack of independence in thought and action.&quot; </p>

      <p>The survey 'characterization of the municipal bench is not so favorable. It concludes that,
         &quot;on the whole, the personnel of the municipal bench is inferior in quality and
         ineffectual in character. A close observer of the Cleveland courts for years states that
         the present Municipal Court judges are not much superior to the old justices of the peace.
         &quot; It is the conclusion of the survey that only four of the 10 judges of the Municipal
         Court measure up to the requirements of the office, while three are mediocre and one
         apparently has no qualifications worth mentioning. </p>

      <p>Of late many thoughtful people have looked very seriously, not to say critically, at the
         methods by which judges are selected. The survey throws helpful light upon this subject. </p>

      <p>THE ADVENT OF NON-PARTISANSHIP Up to 1908 the prevailing method of nomination of judges was
         by party convention, and judges so nominated were placed upon the party ticket with the
         other county officers. In 1908 a change was made in the method of nomination. This change,
         however, was optional. In 1911 there was passed the famous non-partisan judiciary act,
         which provided that there should be no party designation upon the election ballot, but that
         nominations should be as before. In 1912 the new constitution provided for direct primary
         election or petition for nominations, and </p>

      <p>since then this method has been in force. There is an increasing use of nomination by
         petition which does not require the candidate for judge to run in the primary. He merely
         secures the necessary names to his petition and is thus placed upon the non-partisan
         judicial ballot </p>

      <p><figure> 
         </figure> [ 14) </p>

      <p>which is voted upon at election. This fundamental change in the method of selecting judges
         has now been in operation long enough to justify certain definite judgments. The survey
         very carefully sought to determine what, if any, changes are to be observed in the quality
         of character of the personnel of the bench since the non-partisan system came into being. </p>

      <p>SOME EFFECTS OF NON-PARTISANSHIP </p>

      <p>The effects noted in Diagram 4 upon the personnel of the bench since 1912 are not intended
         in any sense as a reflection upon the present </p>

      <p>THE JUDGES </p>

      <p>HE administration of justice is not a purely mechanical Tprocess. Its satisfactory conduct
         depends more than any industry on the human factor, because the administration of justice
         deals with the evaluation of human souls, and not with commodities or operations capable of
         measurement. Among these human factors the judges hold the place of unique responsibility.
         Their attitude at the trial often detennines the result. They have it in their power to
         suspend sentences, to grant new trials, to eliminate delay, to reduce perjury, to assure
         better selection of jurors, and, theoretically at least, to pass on motions to &quot;nolle
         &quot; cases before them. It is obvious that strong judges, capable of inspiring respect
         and unafraid, may save even an archaic system from absolute failure. No system of
         administering justice can rise higher than the quality of its bench, although it may go
         much lower. -Criminal Justice in Cleveland, p. 251 </p>

      <p>incumbents, nor are they intended to make a comparison invidious in its nature among the
         present judges. The more important effects are two: </p>

      <l>
         <li>
            <li_label>1. </li_label>

            <li_title>Younger Men on the Bench.-A ruler laid across Diagram 4 along the line of
               forty years of age shows only two judges beginning their service under that age
               before 1912 and eight after 1912. While before 1912 many judges were elected after
               attaining the age of fifty years, since 1912 no one has been elected of that age or
               over. </li_title>
         </li>

         <li>
            <li_label>2. </li_label>

            <li_title>Less Experience in Private Practice .-The diagram also shows th.at before 1912
               most of the judges were apparently well seasoned in private </li_title>
         </li>
      </l>

      <p>[ 15 ) </p>
      <figure>
          ...Q&gt; JUDOJl.Nam, PoUtic.Stone Rep. Eleo.Disaett Rep. Eleo. Nelf
         Rep. Eleo.Strimple Rep. Eleo. Dellenbauah Rep. App'tWine Rep.Ar.p'tFord Rep. Eeo.Baboock
         Oem. Eleo.ShallenbergerPhillips, G. L.Tilden Rep.App't :.AlI:Kennedy Rep. Eleo.Lawrence
         Oem. Elec.Sohwan Rep. Eleo.Keeler Rep. Elec.Chapman Rep. Ele&#8226;.Estep Oem. Elec.
         Vickery Rep. Elee.Collister Rep. Eleo.Foran Oem. Elee. Pearson Dem. Elec.Gott B::::
         fe':,'.tStevensLieghley Dem. App'tPowell Rep. Elee.Levine Dem. Elec.Friebolin
         Dem.App'tMorgan B:: r:':'tBaerCull Dem. Elec.Kramer Rep. Ele&#8226;.fis.F.C. Rep. Elee.Dem.
         Elee.DayAllen B:::: &#65533;r:.;.tBernon Dem.App't DcU. /Ira!eUcled orappointed 20
         301886189418951896189518991899190119011901190219021902190419041904190619081908191019121912191219131914191419141911191819181918191819181112019201920
         s[:=J -Publio offices {ezzJwhich excludeopportunity forpnvate praotice 0lIIIlI AOJl
         LiNJIEach araph bellina with aae on admiaeion to Ohio bar&quot;10 50 Indicates still
         servingOpportunity for private law practiceCommon Pleas bench 60 &quot;0 S Offiee of public
         attorney (police proseoutor, city solicitor, prosecuting attorney, usiatant prosecuting
         attorney, law director)Judicial office other than Common Pleas (police ludge, municipal
         judge, CommonPleas elsewhere, justioe of peace)Clerical office (bailift, clerk) S 4.-The
         legal career of judges of the Common Pleas Court, 1885 to the present, with respect to
         their ages and their and private servi es </figure>

      <p>practice of the law, while since that date the majority have been trained chiefly in the
         office of judge of an inferior court, or prosecutor. </p>

      <p>THE POLITICS OF &quot;NON-PARTISANSHIP &quot; </p>

      <p>It is absurd to assert that a mere legislative enactment placing judicial candidates upon a
         non-partisan ballot can eliminate the interest of the bench in things political. It has
         merely thrown upon each judge the enormously increased burden of building his own&quot;
         organization.&quot; Before 1912 we had two parties with judges responsible to some degree
         to one or the other. Since then the judges have had to reckon with other interests in order
         to secure reelection. Deference to these interests may or may not be better for the bench
         than deference to a political party. This depends upon the individual point of view. But
         the survey points out clearly the considerations which confront the judge seeking
         reelection and the line of conduct which these considerations compel him to follow. Chief
         among these interests are the petty ward or police court politician, the appeal of race and
         religion, certain labor organizations, and the newspapers. </p>

      <l>
         <l>
            <li>
               <li_label>1. </li_label>

               <li_title>The Traffic in Infiuence.-The atmosphere of the criminal court seems to
                  favor the growth and prosperity of the petty politician. He serves as a kind of
                  political broker. He preys upon both the public and the public official. The
                  person caught in the toils of the law uses him because of his reputed influence
                  with officials, the public official recognizes him because of his real or fancied
                  power to deliver votes. In either case he profits, while the public interest is
                  overlooked and the official is </li_title>
            </li>

            <li>brought to a misuse of his official power. </li>
         </l>

         <li>
            <li_label>2. </li_label>

            <li_title>The Appeal to Race and Religion.-The following passage from the survey (pp.
               263-264) deserves careful consideration by the advocate of a non-partisan judiciary.
               It describes a new influence upon the judiciary: </li_title>
         </li>
      </l>

      <p>&quot; 'In order properly to play the game,' observes one of the more sophisticated judges,
         'it is necessary for a judge to attend weddings, funerals, christenings, banquets,
         barbecues, dances, clam-bakes, holiday celebrations, dedications of buildings, receptions,
         opening nights, first showings of films, prize-fights, bowling matches, lodge
         entertainments, church festivals, and every conceivable function given by any group,
         national, social, religious.' A municipal judge is said to have refereed a prize-fight.
         Three judges of unquestioned character campaigned by visiting the saloons in the different
         foreign sections of the city, and were presented to long lines of foreign-speaking voters
         with the aid of an interpreter. No drinks were bought, not a cent was spent, only
         handshakes were exchanged, yet this was deemed essential campaigning. </p>

      <p>[ 171 </p>
      <figure>
          &quot;One of the most disturbing features is the intensifying of racial
         and religious appeals. A man is elected or appointed because he is a Pole, a Jew, an
         Irishman, a Mason, a Protestant, and it is sometimes difficult for a committee to reject a
         candidate without being charged with discrimination. On the other hand, an even more
         vicious tendency has begun to appear-the formation of organizations with the avowed or
         unavowed purpose of 'knifing' every candidate who is not of a particular religion,
         nationality, or color. It is estimated that one such organization last fall, through the
         expedient of issuing thousands of marked ballots at churches and other places, succeeded in
         swaying 50,000 votes among the regular nominees. The marked ballot carried nothing to
         indicate the sectarian nature of the organization, which bore a title similar to that of
         the Civic League, an impartial organization, and it is not to be supposed that so many
         voters knew of the dominant motive behind the marked recommendations.&quot; 3. The
         Infiuence of Labor Organizations.-One of the respected leaders of labor says: &quot;The
         unions have lost faith in the courts; they believe the man who has the influence gets
         by.&quot; This distrust is reflected in very serious efforts on the part of certain labor
         organizations to elect judges favorable to them and to defeat those suspected of hostility.
         Within recent years two very able judges have been retired because of the opposition of
         labor. One of these judges led the ticket in 1912 and was defeated in 1918. The survey
         states, however, in connection with this activity on the part of labor, that little good
         can come from the simple partisan view that labor is largely to blame for the
         unsatisfactory manner in which judges are compelled to preserve their official lives.
         &quot;The folly of exposing a judiciary to every wind that blows and then blaming a
         particular wind is apparent.&quot; 4. The Bench as &quot;News.&quot;-Probably the most
         important influence with which a judge must reckon under a non-partisan system is the
         public press. While in the Cleveland newspapers editorial support of judges has in the main
         been wisely given, it is unfortunately true that editorial support is a minor factor in the
         influence of a newspaper upon elections. It is as &quot;news &quot; that most people learn
         to know judges, and it is the&quot; news &quot; or &quot;copy &quot; value of a judge that
         largely determines his continuance on the bench. Some publicity is justly earned by a judge
         when he inaugurates a reform or hands down a decision on an important and unusual
         question-such publicity means public education. But, unfortunately, quantity of publicity
         seems to be more important than quality. The law of suggestion leads the public to vote for
         the most widely advertised name. For example, two candidates, hitherto comparatively
         unknown and of no marked fitness for the bench, have since 1912 been elected because they
         bore the same names as two retired [ 18 ] </figure>

      <p>judges widely known and respected. A blacksmith once running on the socialist ticket for
         the Supreme Court carried Cuyahoga County because his name looked and sounded like that of
         the well-known probate judge. &quot;I don't care what you say about me if you keep on
         publishing my </p>

      <p>name,&quot; remarked one ambitious official. </p>

      <p>In the making of publicity, the rules of newspaper enterprise govern. </p>

      <p>It is the unique and sensational thing that gets into the paper. Lord </p>

      <p>Northcliffe is quoted as giving this sovereign formula for &quot;news values.&quot; </p>

      <p>&quot;If a dog bites a man, it is not unusual, therefore it is not news; but if </p>

      <p>a man bites a dog, it is news.&quot; The inexorable character of this law </p>

      <p>does much to promote the fortunes of the judge who does unusual things </p>

      <p>as compared with the one who does not. It is not entirely inaccurate </p>

      <p>to say that the judge who acts like a judge is not good copy, but the </p>

      <p>judge who acts otherwise &quot;gets the front page.&quot; </p>

      <p><figure> 
         </figure> For example, a presiding judge labors for long hours to clear up a badly clogged
         docket; he works nights and holidays, but few people hear of it. Another judge is
         prominently featured for having driven in an automobile one evening all the way to Canton
         with a sporting editor and other fight fans to attend a prize fight. Long study of a
         difficult case is not noted, but the newspaper carries the story that &quot;Municipal Judge
         . . . ate candy as he listened to testimony Friday. 'It keeps one from gettin' nervous,'
         the Judge says.&quot; </p>

      <p>It has been aptly said that a relationship grows up between the reporter and the judge
         similar to that between the bumble bee and the clover. The one exploits the other. The
         reporter needs stories ; the judge can give them. The judge needs the publicity which the
         reporter can provide. </p>

      <p>In the contest for publicity, service on the criminal bench is a distinct </p>

      <p>advantage. There are more &quot;stories&quot; there; hence it has become cus</p>

      <p>tomary for judges to seek service on the criminal bench in election year. </p>

      <p>The schedule is apparently conveniently arranged to provide judges </p>

      <p>seeking reelection with this needed means of publicity. The survey gives </p>

      <p>in detail the manner in which these terms have been arranged. </p>

      <p>THE MUNICIPAL (&quot;POLICE&quot;) COURT </p>

      <p>The formation of the Municipal Court in 1912 marked an epoch in the history of the city. A
         splendid form of organization was provided, with provision for a chief justice with ample
         powers. Two of the 10 judges sit in the criminal branch, or &quot;police court,&quot; and
         try misdemeanors, violations of city ordinances, and conduct preliminary hearings </p>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>

      <p>[ 19] </p>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>

      <p>in felony cases. The rooms in which court is held are located in the old Champlain Street
         police station, and are indescribably sordid and inadequate. The decorum which the judges
         have permitted in these rooms is thus described in the survey : &quot;In neither room did
         the proceedings reveal the necessary dignity of a court. The rooms were crowded with
         lawyers, defendants, witnesses, police, hangers-on, and sightseers, many chewing gum or
         tobacco, even when addressing the court. In Room 2 an attorney was waving a cigar in the
         judge's face by way of emphasizing his argument. Crowded around the bench were lawyers,
         witnesses, and officials, almost screening from view the testifying witness. Others in the
         court-room were standing about talking and were occasionally asked by the judge to be quiet
         in order that he might hear the testimony-this, although the witness chair was placed
         directly against the judge's bench.&quot; </p>

      <p>'JUSTICE in the minor courts-the only courts that mil</p>

      <p>lions of our people know-administered without favor</p>

      <p>itism, by men conspicuous for wisdom and probity, is the </p>

      <p>best assurance of respect for our institutions.&quot; </p>

      <p>-CHARLES E. HUGHES </p>

      <p>&quot;In order to make themselves heard in this court-room, lawyers and others have to lean
         over the bench to address the judge. This produces an impression of a confidential
         communication, which, although false, lends color to the belief that certain lawyers have '
         pull with the judge.' &quot; </p>

      <p>No SEPARATE SESSIONS </p>

      <p>All sorts and conditions of cases are heard indiscriminately in the same sessions. Minor
         and major offenders, men and women alike, await their turns. Cases of robbery, rape, and
         traffic violations may be heard within the same half-hour. </p>

      <p>PEOPLE AND PROPERTY </p>

      <p>In the hurly-burly of the court's business little time is used to hear individual cases. A
         most serious discrepancy exists between the time given to decide a civil case involving a
         few dollars' worth of property and criminal cases sometimes involving the liberty and
         happiness of persons. In 1919, 11,888 criminal cases were tried by each judge, while </p>

      <p>[ 201 </p>
      <figure>
          in civil cases, involving mostly less than $300, the number per judge
         was 2,422, each of the criminal cases presumably receiving about onefifth the judicial
         attention that a civil case received. By a process of division we might with some
         justification say that the judicial importance of a person brought into police court is
         one-fifth of $300, or $60. THE LAW'S DELAY The survey determined statistically that it
         takes the least time to find a person guilty, a longer time to discharge him, and a still
         longer time to dismiss or &quot;nolle&quot; a case. Therefore, it is the object of every
         police court lawyer to get his case continued as many times as possible, wearing down the
         patience of the state's witnesses through compelling them to spend unnecessary hours and
         days in the unsavory atmosphere of the court, and perhaps taking the edge off the police
         officer's zest in his care. This process of delay is achieved through the excessive
         granting of continuances many times in direct violation of a rule of the Municipal Court
         itself requiring motions for a second continuance to be in writing. II A friend in the
         court is better than money in the purse. &quot; -SHAKESPEARE FRIENDS IN THE COURT The
         professional police court lawyers, who have been hangers-on around the court for many
         years, carry on their work with a peculiar kind of privileged seclusion. When the survey
         attempted to look into the operations of these professional criminal lawyers, it was found
         that no record is kept of attorneys in cases before the criminal branch of this court, and
         that no statistical data could be secured as to the actions of these attorneys. Some of
         these lawyers were formerly police prosecutors, in which capacity they made the
         acquaintance of habitual offenders and professional crooks. Some are city councilmen, with
         a voice as to the salaries of certain court attendants and a control over votes which a
         weak judge cannot overlook. Others are connected in various ways with people of political
         importance. They seek in every way to make themselves useful and friendly to attaches of
         the court. Inefficient and overworked court officials learn to depend upon the cheerfully
         given [ 21 J ./( </figure>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>

      <p>assistance of these men. Subsequently, when favors are available, these friendly gentlemen
         are not forgotten. Frequently these attorneys represent a special kind of offender-one will
         represent prostitutes, another pickpockets, and another suspicious persons. They work in
         cooperation with professional bondsmen, and until recently combined their trade with that
         of the professional bondsman. That these men operate with a considerable amount of success
         is indicated by a table contained in the survey, indicating the dispositions of cases of
         wellknown criminals, some of whom were notorious offenders, but all of whom were
         represented by practised police court lawyers. This tabulation indicates that in one-third
         of the cases nolles were secured-a larger proportion than can be found in the ordinary run
         of cases. </p>

      <p>THE OFFICE OF THE CLERK </p>

      <p>The present clerk of the Municipal Court is an elective official, chosen for four years by
         the voters of the city. One of the significant things is that, on account of the passage of
         the city manager amendment at the election in 1921, it will be necessary to determine some
         new way of electing the Municipal Court clerk. Many who are interested in court reform hope
         that some method of appointment will be chosen rather than the present elective system. The
         survey found that the present clerk and staff have too largely permitted the old system of
         record keeping, which existed before the establishment of the Municipal Court, to continue
         in operation under new and infinitely enlarged responsibilities. Both in the survey report
         on criminal courts and on prosecution there is an extended discussion of the cumbersome and
         inadequate system which now obtains. The maintenance of such an inadequate system is a very
         great adjunct to the police cC)urt hangers-on, the shysters, and the professional bondsmen.
         The activities of these parasites depend to a large extent upon the assurance that they
         will leave no tracks behind them and that the watchful interest of the press and the public
         will be prevented from taking action because of a lack of information. In Mr. Bettman's
         report on prosecution reference is made to an improved system of record keeping, and Mr.
         Bettman has filed with the Foundation material which would make such a system possible of
         operation. </p>

      <p>THE CRIMINAL BRANCH OF THE COMMON PLEAS COURT </p>

      <p>ORGANIZATION AND JURISDICTION </p>

      <p>The Common Pleas Court is the center of the judicial system of the state of Ohio. There are
         12 judges of the Common Pleas Court of </p>

      <p>[22 ) </p>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>

      <p>Cuyahoga County, holding office for six years. Their salary is $8,000 </p>

      <p>. </p>

      <p>per year . This court has in its criminal jurisdiction all felonies upon indictment of a
         grand jury and other offenses, where exclusi ve jurisdiction is not given to an inferior
         court. It therefore disposes of all the serious cases and most of the misdemeanors from the
         country districts of the county. When the survey was made, four of the Common Pleas judges
         were sitting regularly in the criminal division. The assignments to the criminal division
         are made by a system of rotation, although it is common knowledge that judges whose
         election is approaching are allowed, through arrangements with other judges, to sit in the
         criminal courts. It is also very common for new judges immediately after election to be
         allowed to go there. It may be said as a general proposition that all judges who are
         approaching election have the opportunity to sit in the more spectacular and &quot;newsful
         &quot; atmosphere of the criminal court. </p>

      <p>The physical arrangements are a handicap to efficiency. Two courtrooms are in the old
         county courthouse on the public square. These rooms are dingy and inadequately provided
         with equipment for taking care of the people concerned in the cases and the spectators. The
         decorum is a great improvement over the Municipal Court, although the formality that is
         present in some courts in the United States is wholly lacking. The survey states that&quot;
         it is an exaggeration to say, as did the late Judge Foran, that 'the courts are run like
         bar rooms.' It is perhaps true that the court-room, in dignity of atmosphere, does not rise
         above a salesman's display room in a hotel.&quot; </p>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>

      <p>THE NEED OF AN EXECUTIVE HEAD </p>

      <p>The only provision for executive leadership in the Common Pleas Court is the system of
         designating one of the judges as presiding judge. This presiding judge holds his title for
         one term, and is vested with some slight power in the administration of the court. However,
         very little power is actually given him, and it is literally true that the description of
         Artemus Ward's army, which was composed entirely of officers, with everyone superior to
         every one else, is applicable to the Common Pleas Court. Perhaps the most significant
         feature of this lack of executive leadership is the present wide-spread feeling that the
         judges are not performing a full measure of service. They are responsible to no one but
         themselves and the general public for their actions. The survey cites a comparison between
         this court and the Municipal Court, which has had a chief justice since 1912. One of the
         functions of the chief justice of the Municipal Court is to keep a record of the time
         actually spent by judges </p>

      <p>(23] </p>

      <p>on the bench. This function Judge McGannon, before his difficulties began, performed with
         efficiency. He not only worked hard himself, but kept his associates busy. A very
         interesting chart was compiled by the survey, which shows that the lack of an executive
         head of the Municipal Court after Chief Justice McGannon became involved in the Kagy murder
         case, caused the court docket immediately to become badly clogged. The court itself fell
         far behind in its work. The statistics compiled also indicate that during the period when
         Judge McGannon was on trial for his life, and consequently paid no attention to the
         business of the court, the number of hours put in by the average judge was much less than
         when the Chief Justice was actually on the job. </p>

      <p>A BUSINESS WITHOUT A HEAD </p>

      <p>&quot; </p>

      <p><figure> 
         </figure> THE Common Pleas Court disposes of more than 3,000 criminal cases and 10,000
         civil actions a year. In addition to the 12 judges, it has a varying supervisory control
         over the clerk's office, the two assignment commissioners' offices, the jury commissioners,
         the jury and grand jury, bailiff's office, and, including the judges, comprises a salary
         budget of over $375,000 per year. This great enterprise, organized for the business of
         administering justice, is without any executive head whatsoever.&quot; -Criminal Justice in
         Cleveland, p. 299 </p>

      <p>CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND THE POOR </p>

      <p>In Cleveland, assigned counsel play a large part in the administration of justice. Counsel
         appointed to defend an indigent person receive 10 dollars for the preparation of the case
         and 10 dollars up to 50 dollars a day in court. A larger sum is allowed in capital cases.
         In 1920 It&amp;signed counsel were paid, in all, the sum of $32,500. This is about 75 per
         cent. as much as was paid for the maintenance of the entire prosecutor's office for
         salaries in the same year. Thus we are already paying out as much for &quot;public
         defenders &quot; as we are for public prosecutors. And we are probably securing much less
         for our money. There is no fixed policy with respect to appointing these assigned counsel.
         As a rule, very young attorneys or rather unsuccessful men are appointed. In important
         cases, however, the court appoints abler men, and some eminent lawyers have served on such
         appointments. However, as a rule, the appointing of </p>

      <p>[24] </p>

      <p>counsel is not taken very seriously. The question of adequate representation for the
         indigent defendant is of very great importance. The survey recommends very strongly the
         public defender system as a substitute for the assigned counsel system. </p>

      <p>THE COUNTY CLERK OF COURTS </p>

      <p>The survey states that the office of the county clerk of courts was, when the survey was
         made, the most satisfactory office connected with the administration of criminal justice in
         Cleveland. A comprehensive record is kept, with all the information necessary to insure
         public responsibility for every case passing through the court. </p>

      <p>THE PROSECUTORS AND THEm WORK </p>

      <p>THE PRIME IMPORTANCE OF PROSECUTION </p>

      <p>Prosecution in the criminal courts of Cuyahoga County is conducted in the main by two
         prosecutors' offices. The municipal prosecutors have charge of the prosecution of cases in
         the Municipal Court-misdemeanors, violations of city ordinances, and preliminary hearings
         of felony cases. The county prosecutor and his assistants have charge of cases before the
         grand jury and in the Common Pleas Court. Their work is in the main concerned with felony
         cases. </p>

      <p>It is not difficult to see that efficient and honest prosecution constitutes the very
         essence of an adequate administration of the criminal law. If cases are improperly
         prepared, or if they are carelessly presented, the offender has every opportunity to escape
         the consequences of his act. The prosecutor has great discretionary power : he may keep
         cases out of court by a simple refusal to prosecute. The court must largely depend upon his
         recommendations to nolle a case-so much so that in the survey &quot;nolleing &quot; is
         usually referred to as a function of the prosecutor, whereas it is technically a function
         of the court. Moreover, the prosecutors' offices, especially that of the municipal
         prosecutor, is a clearing-house for the troubles of a great city. Thousands of people call
         at the prosecutor's offices yearly who are not involved in the administration of justice.
         They come with petty complaints of all sorts, as well as seeking information concerning
         real violations of the law. The great bulk of the population receives its impressions
         concerning the speed, certainty, fairness, and incorruptibility of justice at these
         offices. </p>

      <p>CASE MORTALITY </p>

      <p>Another way of indicating the large part played by the prosecutors in criminal justice is
         through an analysis of what happens to all the cases </p>

      <p>[25) </p>
      <figure>
          t-:&gt;Q&gt; 16 not guilt1 11 nol 4,papin&quot; ,etc. 19 entence e enti
         re17 IUllpende4 15 sentenceepartly eUllpende4 73 f 0I1fld gui 1 ty 39 .entence. 39
         sentence. a.re execute4 Diagram 5.-What to each 100 State misdemeanor Clllles in the
         Municipal 1911920 10013 not gullty10 no1 pros.e4 'no papers -,etc 77 found 100 VIOL ATIONS
         orw CI TY OR DINA NC ES7721. .entenees enti rely .uspende414 sentences part11 sUllpende4 42
         sentences oi342 sentence.are execute4 Diagram 6.-What happened to each 100 cases of
         violations of city ordinances in the Municipal Court, 1911920 </figure>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>

      <p>which come into the system for the administration of justice. Such an analysis made by the
         survey shows that a large part of the administration of justice is carried on wholly
         outside the courts themselves. Diagrams 5, 6, and 7 are based upon a tabulation of cases
         for the years 1919 and 1920: </p>
      <figure>

         
      </figure>

      <p>WNICIPAL COUR'1' 100 C SES </p>

      <p>&quot; guilt1 of l.uer </p>

      <sect>
         <h6>1.2 dloeharget</h6>

         <p>.. not guilt7 </p>

         <p>10 noll.d and &quot;no papera&quot; '14 CASES </p>

         <p>1lO\INl) OVER </p>

         <p>16 no bUl by Gran!. Jury </p>

         <p>9 nolle&lt;! b7 </p>

         <p>proaecutor </p>

         <p>74 boun! o ... r 5 aCqu1 ttod b)' </p>

         <p>to Gran! JUJ7I otberwl &#8226;&#8226; dl.po &#8226;&#8226; </p>

         <p>of Wi thout IOnte_ </p>

         <p>37 SlilI'lJllCES </p>

         <p>e &#8226;&#8226;ntence. </p>

         <p>.u.pended 29 SEll'lJllCES </p>

         <p>7 tl ... </p>

         <p>and &#8226;&#8226; nten0e4 </p>

         <p>29 &#8226;&#8226; ntence. 7 laoprl ...... nt </p>

         <p>lft .o. </p>

         <p>eUCNw4 15 1mprl ...... nt </p>

         <p>1 n pen! tenU&amp;J7 </p>

         <p>or reto naator, </p>

         <p>Diagram 7.-What happened to each 100 felony cases beginning in the MunicipalCourts, 1919 </p>

         <p>THE MUNICIPAL PROSECUTOR </p>

         <p>. </p>

         <p>PERSONNEL </p>

         <p>The force of the municipal prosecutor's office consists of the chief prosecutor and six
            assistants. These officials are appointed by the city director of law, who is, at least
            nominally, the chief municipal prosecutor. The chief prosecutor has nominal control over
            the other prosecutors, </p>

         <p>[ 27 1 </p>

         <p>although at the time of the survey this control was not permitted to be vigorously
            exercised. The survey bases its estimate of the quality of the personnel of the
            prosecutor's office upon the replies which it received from a questionnaire sent to all
            members of the bar in Cleveland. The general opinion was expressed in May, 1921, that
            the men were selected for political reasons and that only one or two members of the
            office were capable of performing the work. The most severe criticism made in the survey
            concerning the personnel of the office was of the general practice of giving out
            appointments to the prosecutor's office, seemingly for no reason except to satisfy the
            requirements of large racial or national groups in the community. Thus we have men
            appointed to the prosecutor's office not because they are experienced in the law or in
            meeting a certain class of cases that come into the prosecutor's office, but because
            they are Poles, Czechs, Jews, Italians, or Irish. This practice, which Mr. Bettman calls
            &quot; the tribalization of prosecution,&quot; has been characteristic of this office
            from almost the beginning. It was found by the survey that the prosecutors, while their
            work was conducted with great despatch and confusion during a part of the day, were not
            in evidence during that period which in private business constitutes a full day's work. </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>THE BUSINESS OF PROSECUTION The survey thus describes the absence of business methods
            and equipment in the prosecutor's office. &quot;The office of the prosecuting attorney
            of the Municipal Court handles about 75,000 criminal matters a year and actually
            prosecutes 26,000 criminal cases in a year. Yet that office has no managing clerk or any
            other clerk ; it has no files and no records ; it has no stenographers ; it drops cases
            with or without filing a prosecution, entirely without any statement or record of
            reasons for this action. <figure> 
            </figure> No record is made of information which it receives, so that the particular
            assistant who tries the case has in his hands no data and, with rare exceptions, must
            trust to luck as to what the witness will say. There is no specialization of work. There
            is none of the efficiency of organization characteristic of a large modern private law
            office. It is all largely a game of chance. The record system of the criminal branch of
            the Municipal Court is inadequate and inefficient, so that it would be impossible for
            the public or even the chief prosecutor actually to ascertain or appraise the work of
            the assistants. Observation, made by the survey, of prosecutors conducting cases before
            the court indicated that their work is habitually casual, careless, perfunctory, and
            inefficient. There is a dangerous laxity in the care of affidavits. An affidavit remains
            in the hands of the prosecutor who prepared it until he finds it convenient to </p>

         <p>[ 28 ] </p>

         <p>carry it to the office of the clerk of the court. The carelessness with which they are
            handled furnishes opportunity for the mysterious disappearance of affidavits and such
            disappearances take place occasionally.&quot; (Pages 114-120.) </p>

         <p>THE COUNTY PROSECUTOR'S OFFICE </p>

         <p>PERSONNEL </p>

         <p>At the time the survey was made the county prosecutor's office had seven assistants on
            the criminal side, in addition to the prosecutor himself. These assistants were all
            appointed on January 1, 1921, which indicates the fact that when the political
            complexion of the prosecutor's office changes, the entire force changes. Of the seven
            assistants, one had been a member of the bar for twenty-one years, while the remaining
            six averaged about four years of opportunity for private practice. According to the
            judgment of the 92 lawyers who replied to the questionnaire previously mentioned, only
            two expressed an opinion that the prosecutors were possessed of the necessary ability
            and competence. </p>

         <p>THE ORGANIZATION AND OPERATION OF THE COUNTY PROSECUTOR 'S OFFICE </p>

         <p>In general the county prosecutor and his assistants take no part in investigating the
            crime or molding the proof. He has no machinery other than his busy attendants and a
            single &quot;county detective,&quot; a general utility man for such service. He pits
            what Mr. Bettman in the survey calls &quot; serial unpreparedness&quot; against the
            carefully prepared case of the defendant's lawyer. He takes the proof in the way it has
            been prepared by the municipal prosecutor, making the best of what he gets, except that
            in more serious cases he attempts, sometimes months after the crime is committed, to
            remedy the defects. </p>

         <p>JURIES IN CUYAHOGA COUNTY </p>

         <p>&quot;Jurors recruited from the caverns of Ali Baba in the desert,&quot; remarked the
            oldest judge on the bench of this county, with the hearty approval of a large audience
            of lawyers. This seems to be a characteristic expression of the general dissatisfaction
            with the average juries of the county, a judgment which is attested by the great number
            of convictions set aside because of poor jury work, a 600 per cent. increase in
            acquittals in seven years, and an unwarranted number of disagreements. </p>

         <p>In 1915 the old method of jurors, &quot;hand picked&quot; for political and other
            purposes, was discarded for what was intended to be a thoroughly </p>

         <p>[ 29 1 </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>impartial carrying out of the theory of jury service. Prospective jurors </p>

         <p>are selected by an impartial method from the polling list. They are summoned by mail and
            examined. Their names are then placed in the wheel and are drawn therefrom at the
            request of the court. </p>

         <p>The system is in charge of the jury commissioners, who are, by recent </p>

         <p>action of the court, the same persons as the assignment commissioners. </p>

         <p>The survey is convinced that this combination of offices was wise and </p>

         <p>should produce some improvement. </p>

         <p>AVOIDANCE OF DUTY Statistics set forth by the survey indicate certain startling facts
            concerning the attitude of citizens of intelligence and means toward the duty of jury
            service. The most important of these are : </p>

         <l>
            <li>
               <li_label>1. </li_label>

               <li_title>Citizens living in certain &quot;well-to-do suburbs &quot; more commonly
                  ignored the summons than the less fortunate (from the economic point of view) in
                  Wards 11 and 14. Those whose ignorance might excuse them for not responding make a
                  better showing than the &quot;substantial citizens &quot; who knew too much to
                  heed the summons. </li_title>
            </li>

            <li>
               <li_label>2. </li_label>

               <li_title>The &quot; exclusive &quot; suburbs seem to be much more unhealthful than
                  Wards 11 and 14, for a larger percentage of these citizens were excused for
                  &quot;illness &quot; than those living in the more congested areas. </li_title>
            </li>

            <li>
               <li_label>3. </li_label>

               <li_title>The residents of the suburbs were &quot; away &quot; or received summonses
                  &quot;too late &quot; in a larger proportion than the more shifting population at
                  the heart of the city. </li_title>
            </li>
         </l>

         <p>These facts are a serious indictment of those sections of society which are commonly the
            sharpest critics of government. </p>

         <p>THE QUALITY OF JURY PERSONNEL A compilation of the occupations of jurors for two months
            revealed in general that the personnel of the juries of this county is, in occupations
            and probably in general intelligence, about a cross-section of Cleveland's population.
            But this is not adequate for the exacting duties implied in jury service. Jurors should
            be &quot;judicious and discreet persons </p>

         <p><figure> 
            </figure> . . with integrity and intelligence, with some education and an unwarped
            outlook on life. Such men are not usually found among the lowest or the highest walks of
            life. Those who have not the ability to rise to some extent, or are embittered by the
            experience of poverty, make equally bad jurors with the very rich, whose property
            interests tend to bias judgment.&quot; </p>

         <p>It is shown, moreover, that many who are unemployed seek and obtain extended service on
            juries. Commendable as is any method of </p>

         <p>[301 </p>
         <figure>
             mitigating unemployment, it should not be done at the expense of the
            adequate performance of a high civic responsibility. SIDE EXITS FROM THE TEMPLE OF
            JUSTICE An examination of Diagrams 5, 6, and 7 reveals, in a very simple manner, the
            great importance in the modern administration of criminal justice of certain procedural
            methods of escape from the toils of the law, other than acquittal after a trial in open
            court. Diagrams 5 and 6 show that of each 100 cases of misdemeanors, or violations of
            city ordinances, a total of about 45, or nearly half, were nolled or sentence was wholly
            or There is no law without a loophole. -Proverb partly suspended. Diagram 7 shows that
            of each 100 felony cases a total of 26 were disposed of in ways other than through a
            hearing before the grand jury or a trial in court. Thus, we may venture that certain
            procedural loopholes of escape, such as are described in the following paragraphs, have
            come to such prominence as to account for more than onefourth of all cases started in
            the criminal courts. The importance of examining these ways of escaping from the law is
            thus made sharply eVident. &quot;No PAPERS &quot; When an arrest is made prior to the
            issuance of an affidaVit, a case goes upon the docket and is called in court. If the
            prosecutor decides then that the provable facts do not justify a hearing in court, he
            tells the court that there are &quot; no papers &quot; and that is the end of the case.
            This &quot;no papering &quot; procedure has no statutory basis and is not recognized in
            common law criminal procedure. There are no safeguards thrown about its exercise, and,
            as actually practised in the Municipal Court in Cleveland, the court hears nothing about
            the case and does nothing about the case but enter &quot;no papers &quot; on the docket.
            PLEAS OF LESSER OFFENSE The Ohio law permits the Municipal Court, in cases where felony
            is charged, to accept a plea of a misdemeanor and to discharge the felony case and
            proceed with the misdemeanor charge. This very important power does not have any
            safeguards surrounding it, and the survey states [ 31 1 </figure>

         <p>that the present practice of the prosecutor's office in handling such cases is as loose
            and haphazard as in the case of nolles. </p>

         <p>SUSPENDED SENTENCES OR &quot;BENCH PAROLES &quot; </p>

         <p>The very great importance of the suspended sentence in Cleveland courts is indicated by
            the fact that from 10 to 30 per cent. of felony cases receive suspended sentences, and
            in offenses less than felonies in the Municipal Court 35 per cent. receive suspended
            sentences. The whole practice regarding the suspension of sentences is loose. Much of it
            is of doubtful validity. The practices intended to safeguard it are by no means commonly
            observed. Sentences of imprisonment are suspended without probation, and sentences of
            fines are suspended without a condition concerning the payment of the fine. The theory
            of the suspended sentence, i. e., the idea of a sword hanging over the defendant, is
            under present practices nothing but a theory. With rare exceptions the suspended
            sentence is promptly forgotten by everybody, and if the defendant comes back into court
            upon a new, or even the same, charge, the old sentence is very seldom remembered. </p>

         <p>BAIL Among the most commonly condemned features of criminal justice in Cleveland are
            certain irregularities which have grown up in connection with the giving of bail bonds.
            There are several steps in the process of justice where bail is given. A bond can be
            given immediately after arrest, to secure appearance in Municipal Court. In misdemeanor
            cases the amount of this is fixed by the clerk of the court ; in felony cases, by the
            judge. Later, if at the hearing the defendant is convicted and appeals, or if he is
            bound over to the grand jury, he again gives bond, the amount of which is fixed by the
            judge. Thereafter the amount of bonds is fixed by the Common Pleas judge. </p>

         <p>The most serious evils connected with bail bonds are : </p>

         <l>
            <li>
               <li_label>(a) </li_label>

               <li_title>The professional bondsman, the associate of the &quot; runner &quot; and
                  &quot;shyster &quot; lawyer, who makes a business of going on bail bonds.
               </li_title>
            </li>

            <li>
               <li_label>(b) </li_label>

               <li_title>The illogical variation in the amounts required. </li_title>
            </li>

            <li>
               <li_label>(c) </li_label>

               <li_title>The inadequacy of sureties. </li_title>
            </li>
         </l>

         <p>(d) Failure to secure judgment and to collect on forfeited bonds. Statistics compiled by
            the state auditor indicate that, of the total amount of bail bonds forfeited from August
            26, 1916, to May 27, 1919, only 0.6 per cent. was collected. The cost of collection was
            equal to the amount collected, and there was little if any effort made to issue
            executions on judgments rendered. </p>

         <p>[ 32 ) </p>

         <p>Suggestions to correct the bail bond evil are : </p>

         <p>(a) The creation of the office of bail bond commissioner by the legislature in 1921 was
            largely brought about by the efforts of the Bar Association. This office began its work
            in July, 1921. Its chief function is to pass upon the qualifications of sureties and to
            enforce forfeited bonds. </p>

         <p>In March, 1922, the supreme court declared this statute unconstitutional, but it is
            still operating under the power of the court to create deputy bailiffs of the court. </p>

         <l>
            <li>
               <li_label>(b) </li_label>

               <li_title>The new legal requirement of cash bail (G. C. 1579-20) has had some effect
                  upon the evil. </li_title>
            </li>

            <li>
               <li_label>(c) </li_label>

               <li_title>The Municipal Court several years ago sought to restrict the operation of
                  the professional bondsman by passing a rule providing for personal bond without
                  surety. The survey points out, however, that the clerks in charge have largely
                  nullified the benefit by requiring some one to &quot;vouch &quot; for the
                  defendant. Thus the professional bondsman becomes a professional &quot;voucher.
                  &quot; </li_title>
            </li>
         </l>

         <p>THE NOLLE PROSEQUI This motion, commonly called &quot;nolle,&quot; means literally and
            in practice, &quot;To be unwilling to prosecute.&quot; It is made by the prosecutor and
            allowed or overruled by the judge. The Ohio law provides that the county prosecutor
            shall not enter a &quot;nolle &quot; &quot;without leave of the court, or good cause
            shown, in open court.&quot; There is no such provision for the </p>

         <p>Municipal Court. In actual practice the granting of a &quot;nolle &quot; is almost
            entirely within the discretion of the prosecutor, as the judge usually, without
            question, takes the word of the prosecutor. There has been a </p>

         <p>rather startling increase in the frequency with which this motion has been used since
            1918 (see diagram on p. 13) . The survey indicated that 14.27 per cent. of felony cases
            which had successfully passed the two preliminary examinations were nolled in the Common
            Pleas Court. Occasionally there is what is known as a &quot;blanket nolle,&quot; in
            which several hundred &quot;dead &quot; cases are thrown out at once. </p>

         <p>The chief criticism of the survey regarding the practice of &quot; nolleing &quot; cases
            is the careless manner in which it is exercised. The prosecutors ask for and obtain
            nolles with little or no explanation to the court. No record is kept, and in most cases
            even the prosecutors fail to remember the reason which prompted their action. This gives
            an opportunity for all sorts of irregularities and for at least the appearance of
            &quot;inside influence with the prosecutor.&quot; </p>

         <p>[33 ) </p>

         <p>THE MOTION IN MITIGATION </p>

         <p>In January, 1921, liquor cases resulting in 314 fines were filed in the Municipal Court.
            Thus the uninitiated, public might, by mathematical process, determine that $101,650
            would come into the treasury. But in the name of a mysterious legal &quot;motion &quot;
            $42, 135 of this amount was taken from these fines. Of the 314 cases, &quot;motions in
            mitigation &quot; were made in 193 cases and allowed in 114 cases. Thus, through the
            magic of this &quot;motion in mitigation,&quot; a judge may receive public approval for
            severity and still receive the grateful appreciation of a large number of &quot;
            victims. &quot; </p>

         <p>Not only does this motion provide an opportunity for official hypocrisy of a high order,
            but it adds again to the law's delay. In the cases referred to, an average of 15.43 days
            was required to overrule a motion in mitigation and an average of 35.15 days to grant
            it. Delay always favors the party who can keep alive his motion in mitigation. </p>

         <p>PERJURY </p>

         <p>It is perhaps inappropriate to include perjury in the list of procedural means of
            escaping the penalty of the law. It has, however, become so common and so seemingly
            harmless a means of escape that it ranks with other more regular and legitimate methods. </p>

         <p>The whole story of the decline in character of criminal justice is told by the
            statistics on perjury prosecutions in Cuyahoga County, in cases begun in 1919. Out of
            3,000 cases heard in that year, only 27 were for &quot;offenses against public
            justice.&quot; Of these, 20 were for bribery and seven for perjury. This means that less
            than 1 per cent. of the felony cases that year were for a crime which both bench and bar
            admit is common. Of the 27 cases which were brought to light, only two were found or
            pleaded 'guilty. Of these, one was &quot;bench paroled,&quot; leaving one sentence
            executed. The survey impressively notes : &quot;Behind the McGannon trial, therefore, is
            a community which recognizes the prevalence of crimes against public justice, but seeks
            to vindicate the law in only a handful of cases in a year for such offenses and allows
            all but one offender to escape. </p>

         <p>&quot;The drugged state of the public conscience is indicated by Petition No. 188262,
            filed by one of those indicted in the McGannon perjury investigation, against Judge
            McGannon for balance due for services ' in influencing Mary Neely to change her attitude
            in her testimony in a lawsuit wherein he was charged with murder.' An attempt was made
            to withdraw this petition upon the indictment of the petitioner for the crime set out in
            his own petition.&quot; </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>[34] </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS FOR JUDICIAL AD</p>

         <p>MINISTRATION AND PROSECUTION </p>

         <p>SINGLE UNIFIED CRIMINAL COURT </p>

         <p>The survey strongly recommends that Cleveland establish a single unified criminal court
            similar to that which has been established and is successfully operating in Detroit.
            This would involve the combination of the criminal jurisdiction of both Common Pleas and
            Municipal Courts. It would permit the very greatly needed unification of the prosecution
            processes into one office and go far toward eliminating the lost motion which exists
            because of the division of jurisdiction between the courts. This step would be
            revolutionary and would require a considerable amount of legislation. The report
            suggests that in order to accomplish the needed results, the new court would not be
            needed at once, and that all criminal business of the Municipal Court could be
            transferred to the existing sessions of the Common Pleas Court. </p>

         <p>A CHIEF JUSTICE FOR THE COMMON PLEAS COURT </p>

         <p>The survey has pointed out very definitely the unsatisfactory conditions which result
            from the lack of an administrative head in the Common Pleas Court. This is a quite
            generally recognized need, and the Bar Association prepared a bill for submission to the
            legislature in 1921, which bill, however, was not passed. This reform is essential to
            the improvement of business in the Common Pleas Court. </p>

         <p>CHANGES IN THE MODE OF ELECTING JUDGES The survey does not go so far as to recommend the
            abolition of the present elective system of judges, but recommends a great change in the
            method now in practice. It is deemed by the survey impossible, with the prsent state of
            public opinion, to adopt the appointive system of selecting judges. However, it is
            probable that many of the present evils can be eliminated by providing more protection
            for a judge already on the bench. Therefore, the survey recommends that judges should be
            elected for a first term of six years, at the end of which they should run for
            reelection for a longer term, and that in each successive campaign for reelection they
            should run against their own record and not against a group of other candidates. Thus
            the question to be decided when a judge completes his term of office is, &quot;Shall he
            be retired or shall he be retained? &quot; In the event of the retirement of a judge, a
            special election in which he would not be a candidate would be held. </p>

         <p>[35) </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>THE MOTION IN MITIGATION In January, 1921, liquor cases resulting in 314 fines were
            filed in the Municipal Court. Thus the uninitiated, public might, by mathematical
            process, determine that $101,650 would come into the treasury. But in the name of a
            mysterious legal &quot;motion&quot; $42,135 of this amount was taken from these fines.
            Of the 314 cases, &quot;motions in mitigation&quot; were made in 193 cases and allowed
            in 114 cases. Thus, through the magic of this &quot;motion in mitigation,&quot; a judge
            may receive public approval for severity and still receive the grateful appreciation of
            a large number of &quot; victims. &quot; Not only does this motion provide an
            opportunity for official hypocrisy of a high order, but it adds again to the law's
            delay. In the cases referred to, an average of 15.43 days was required to overrule a
            motion in mitigation and an average of 35.15 days to grant it. Delay always favors the
            party who can keep alive his motion in mitigation. </p>

         <p>PERJURY </p>

         <p>It is perhaps inappropriate to include perjury in the list of procedural means of
            escaping the penalty of the law. It has, however, become so common and so seemingly
            harmless a means of escape that it ranks with other more regular and legitimate methods. </p>

         <p>The whole story of the decline in character of criminal justice is told by the
            statistics on perjury prosecutions in Cuyahoga County, in cases begun in 1919. Out of
            3,000 cases heard in that year, only 27 were for &quot;offenses against public
            justice.&quot; Of these, 20 were for bribery and seven for perjury. This means that less
            than 1 per cent. of the felony cases that year were for a crime which both bench and bar
            admit is common. Of the 27 cases which were brought to light, only two were found or
            pleaded 'guilty. Of these, one was &quot;bench paroled,&quot; leaving one sentence
            executed. The survey impressively notes : &quot; </p>

         <p><figure> 
            </figure> Behind the McGannon trial, therefore, is a community which recognizes the
            prevalence of crimes against public justice, but seeks to vindicate the law in only a
            handful of cases in a year for such offenses and allows all but one offender to escape. </p>

         <p>&quot;The drugged state of the public conscience is indicated by Petition No. 188262,
            filed by one of those indicted in the McGannon perjury investigation, against Judge
            McGannon for balance due for services ' in influencing Mary Neely to change her attitude
            in her testimony in a lawsuit wherein he was charged with murder.' An attempt was made
            to withdraw this petition upon the indictment of the petitioner for the crime set out in
            his own petition.&quot; </p>

         <p>[ 341 </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS FOR JUDICIAL AD</p>

         <p>MINISTRATION AND PROSECUTION </p>

         <p>SINGLE UNIFIED CRIMINAL COURT </p>

         <p>The survey strongly recommends that Cleveland establish a single unified criminal court
            similar to that which has been established and is successfully operating in Detroit.
            This would involve the combination of the criminal jurisdiction of both Common Pleas and
            Municipal Courts. It would permit the very greatly needed unification of the prosecution
            processes into one office and go far toward eliminating the lost motion which exists
            because of the division of jurisdiction between the courts. This step would be
            revolutionary and would require a considerable amount of legislation. The report
            suggests that in order to accomplish the needed results, the new court would not be
            needed at once, and that all criminal business of the Municipal Court could be
            transferred to the existing sessions of the Common Pleas Court. </p>

         <p>A CHIEF JUSTICE FOR THE COMMON PLEAS COURT The survey has pointed out very definitely
            the unsatisfactory conditions which result from the lack of an administrative head in
            the Common Pleas Court. This is a quite generally recognized need, and the Bar
            Association prepared a bill for submission to the legislature in 1921, which bill,
            however, was not passed. This reform is essential to the improvement of business in the
            Common Pleas Court. </p>

         <p>CHANGES IN THE MODE OF ELECTING JUDGES </p>

         <p>The survey does not go so far as to recommend the abolition of the present elective
            system of judges, but recommends a great change in the method now in practice. It is
            deemed by the survey impossible, with the prsent state of public opinion, to adopt the
            appointive system of selecting judges. However, it is probable that many of the present
            evils can be eliminated by providing more protection for a judge already on the bench.
            Therefore, the survey recommends that judges should be elected for a first term of six
            years, at the end of which they should run for reelection for a longer term, and that in
            each successive campaign for reelection they should run against their own record and not
            against a group of other candidates. Thus the question to be decided when a judge
            completes his term of office is, &quot;Shall he be retired or shall he be
            retained?&quot; In the event of the retirement of a judge, a special election in which
            he would not be a candidate would be held. </p>

         <p>[ 35 ) </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>
         <figure>
             A JUDICIAL COUNCIL The survey, moreover, recommends that a judicial
            council be organized,-a perpetual body,-consisting of not less than five nor more than
            15 judges, appointed by the chief justices, and holding office during their approval.
            This would become an advisory body for the judicial business of the court. THE
            ELIMINATION OF UNNECESSARY STEPS IN PROSECUTION The survey recommends very strongly that
            the grand jury be dispensed with, except in cases where extraordinary situations require
            a special inquiry. The grand jury has been eliminated in many jurisdictions, and the
            matter is no longer one of conjecture or experiment.l Another way of shortening the
            procedure of felony cases-already in practice to some extent-is by bringing cases
            directly to the grand jury without a preliminary hearing in the police court. This
            preliminary hearing in police court may be demanded by any accused person, but in
            practice it is possible to carry cases directly to the grand jury by presentment instead
            of the process of binding them over from the lower court. BUSINESS METHODS IN
            PROSECUTION The survey describes in detail the kind of organized agency of inquiry and
            prosecution a prosecutor's office should be. Steps should be taken to eliminate the
            present system of careless handling of affidavits in the absence of files, records, or
            dockets, the absence of stenographic records of testimony of preliminary examination,
            and the entire absence of scientific and thoroughgoing methods of investigating crimes.
            Adequate methods for handling large amounts of business should be installed in each of
            the prosecutors' offices. A system of record keeping should be established and
            maintained. There should be a chief clerk in the municipal office, such as has been
            established in the county office. There should be facilities for investigating crime,
            including the use of modern psychiatry and kindred sciences. Moreover, there should be a
            logical division of work among the assistants in both offices to supplant the present
            hit or miss practice, which is so particularly revealed in the municipal prosecutor's
            office. Cases differ in grade and kind, and specialization should be put into effect at
            once under the direction of the chief municipal prosecutor and the county prosecutor.
            This would mean that the chief municipal prosecutor should become primarily an executive
            official, qualified by capacity and experience to be the head of a 1 See the Supreme
            Court Decision in U. S. vs. Moreland (No. 629, October Term, 1921), decided since the
            survey was conducted. [ 36 ] </figure>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>large and important organization. Also, he has the power to become a leader for the
            community in matters relating to the administration of criminal justice. The same is
            true of the county prosecutor, whose chief function should be, not the prosecution of
            individual cases, but the general supervision of a large and efficiently organized
            business office. </p>

         <p>BUSINESS METHODS IN COURT </p>

         <p>The survey has recommended, in some detail, changes in procedure and method for judicial
            administration. Chief among these are the segregation of trials or calendars, the use of
            the summons instead of arrests in a large number of cases, stenographic report of
            testimony in preliminary hearings in the Municipal Court, and a toning up of the general
            decorum surrounding the operation of both courts. </p>

         <p>ABOLISH THE MOTION IN MITIGATION </p>

         <p>The &quot;motion in mitigation&quot; has no proper place in the administration of
            justice and should be abolished. </p>

         <p>THE PUBLIC DEFENDER SYSTEM </p>

         <p>The report on criminal courts gives in some detail the need of a more modern method of
            handling those cases in which the burden of the defense as well as the prosecution falls
            upon the state. Mr. Smith recommends that, while the public defender system which has
            been demonstrated in Los Angeles, and which is now extended throughout the State of
            California, is a satisfactory, modern, and efficient method, for the present Cleveland
            can trust this function to quasi-public rat.her than public hands. He recommends that
            the New York Voluntary Defenders' Committee be used as a model, and that this
            organization should take over the work of representing poor persons in criminal cases in
            the manner now undertaken by the legal aid society in civil cases. This could be
            controlled by a special committee of the Bar Association, and would be able to do the
            work of assigned counsel with much greater efficiency and a smaller expenditure of money
            than is now required. To this quasipublic defender office the Municipal Court judges
            could refer cases where defendants need counsel for a fair trial. This public defender
            system, it is hoped, would go far toward eliminating the objectionable shyster lawyer
            from his most profitable field of employment. </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>FURTHER SAFEGUARDS FOR THE NOLLE </p>

         <p>The survey recommends that the nolle, which has become such a large element in the
            history of criminal cases in Cleveland, should be more </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>[ 37 ] </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>adequately safeguarded from abuse. It should be filed like any other motion, and should
            specify in writing the prosecutor's reasons for declining to prosecute. This change
            should be effected by rule of court, and it should always be in the court's further
            discretion, whether the complaining witness should be notified or whether there should
            be a general notice by publication. </p>

         <p>ADEQUATE PROBATION AS AN AGENT OF THE COURT </p>

         <p>The practice of the court, suspending sentences and operating so largely in such cases
            without information, should be remedied by the establishment of adequate probation
            departments. While a unified court would make possible the ideal condition of a
            centralized and well-organized probation system for all sorts of cases, it was
            recommended by the survey that the Common Pleas Court immediately establish a probation
            system and that the probation system in the Municipal Court be unified and coordinated
            to a greater degree than at present. </p>

         <p>IMPROVEMENT OF JURY SYSTEM </p>

         <p>The jury system, so unsatisfactory now, could be greatly improved by a simple change in
            the public's attitude toward jury service. Unless the intelligent citizens of the
            community assume a different attitude toward their obligations, the present jury cannot
            be very greatly improved. In addition there should be more safeguards covering the
            service of summonses, which would put an end to the present wholesale ignoring of the
            court's call. Excuse from the jury service should not be granted except for very
            extraordinary reasons, such as a death in the immediate family, or cases of great
            emergency, or danger of serious or irreparable loss. The present system of maintaining
            jury commissioners who are competent and non-political in their interests is highly
            commended. </p>

         <p>ADEQUATE HOUSING FOR THE CRIMINAL COURTS </p>

         <p>Many of the evils connected with the administration of justice can be traced back to the
            unsatisfactory housing conditions which are present in both county and municipal courts.
            Decorum is to some extent dependent upon the physical conditions of the court-room, and
            decorum is one of the fundamental shortcomings of both courts. Adequate housing for the
            courts, the prosecutors, and other agencies of the courts means that Cuyahoga County
            must build an adequate building for criminal justice. Great improvement in the operation
            of our courts cannot come until this is accomplished. </p>

         <p>[ 38] </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>PENAL AND CORRECTIONAL TREATMENT </p>

         <p>CORRECTION, PUNISHMENT, AND PUBLIC OPINION </p>

         <p>THE survey points out that Cleveland has institutions typifying three different ideas of
            the way in which offenders should be treated : </p>

         <p>The city and county jails belong to the age before prison reform. They typify the
            medieval view that offenders are the &quot;scum of the earth,&quot; and that to purify
            the soul is to mortify the flesh. </p>

         <p>The Warrensville correction farm was conceived in a fine idealistic period. It was the
            fruition of a splendid dream, but the revolution which it signified exhausted itself in
            marking out broad boundary lines. It ignored fundamental details. </p>

         <p>The Boys' Farm at Hudson was conceived and built in the same humanitarian era as the
            Warrensville institution. But it combined the ideal with the practical. It is based upon
            sound philosophy of treatment and is marked by &quot;that triad of modern progress,
            common sense, scientific understanding, and effective sympathy.&quot; </p>

         <p>THE CITY AND COUNTY JAILS </p>

         <p>The city jail is housed in the old Champlain Street police station, and is under the
            general management of the city division of police. It is used only for the detention of
            prisoners charged with violations of ordinances and other minor offenses. Except for a
            few unusual cases, the period of incarceration is from twelve hours to four days. The
            present condition of this jail is indescribably wretched. Its administration is
            characterized not only by lack of adequate facilities, but also by the absence of humane
            treatment of those confined there. The abandonment of the city jail will be necessary
            during the year 1922, on account of an extensive public improvement which will use the
            land on which the jail is now located. </p>

         <p>The county jail is used for the imprisonment of men and women charged with a felony who
            are awaiting or undergoing trial. It is under the jurisdiction of the sheriff of
            Cuyahoga County. It houses something over 100 prisoners. No discussion is needed to
            convince the people of Cleveland of the utterly unsatisfactory condition of this jail.
            It partakes </p>

         <p>[ 39 ] </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>of most of the sordidness of the city jail. Its administration allows too great
            commingling of prisoners and lacks safeguards against the smuggling in of contraband
            articles. Moreover, the guards employed are of a very unsatisfactory type. </p>

         <p>The general recommendations of the survey concerning the city and county jails are that,
            pending the building of a new structure which is now contemplated, the administration of
            both be improved and some attempt be made to put them in a clean and sanitary condition. </p>

         <p>THE DEPARTMENT OF WELFARE AND THE WARRENSVILLE WORKHOUSE </p>

         <p>The Department of Welfare of the city of Cleveland is administered under a director
            appointed by the mayor. This director has jurisdiction over the Warrensville correction
            farm, the Boys' Farm at Hudson, the Girls' Farm, and the probation office. The survey
            states that there has never been sufficiently well-defined administrative unity within
            the department. It states that it is a paper federation of bureaus and departments
            without administrative cohesion. Recommendations are made which are intended to supply
            the administrative unity necessary under the Director of Welfare. </p>

         <p>The Warrensville workhouse is located on what is known as the Cooley Farms at
            Warrensville, 12 miles from Cleveland. The workhouse building is a comparatively new
            two-story structure, well lighted and ventilated, and built in the form of a square
            inclosing completely a large yard used by prisoners. The institution is built on the
            dormitory plan, and has only a few cells. The census of the building varies between 400
            and 800, with 480 as a fair average. Of these, about 50 are women. The inmates represent
            all grades of offenders, from petty short-term delinquents to prisoners charged with
            serious crime or habitual offenders charged with ordinary offenses. There were at the
            time of the survey about 40 prisoners charged with serious crimes. The criticisms of the
            survey apply both to the style of the building itself and to the administration at the
            time when the survey was made. The survey states that it is very unfortunate that the
            building should have been built on the dormitory plan, which permits too great a
            commingling of various kinds of prisoners and which defeats the purpose for which they
            were sent. The criticisms of the administration are much more serious. The survey found
            a general lack of pla.nning at the head of the institution. There was a tendency on the
            part of each officer to treat infractions of rules much as he deemed wise without
            definite control by the superintendent. The employment of prisoners was marked by
            prevailing idleness and lack of well-planned work. There was a lack of use of prisoners
            in road work, </p>

         <p>[40 1 </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>probably on account of an excessive number of escapes during the past year. </p>

         <p>The survey recommends improvement in the administration of the institution through a
            more careful study of the aptitudes and the mental and physical ability of the inmates,
            through the introduction of educational facilities and more adequate reception,
            classification, and creditmarking methods. </p>

         <p>The Cleveland Boys' Farm at Hudson is highly commended by the survey. This institution
            is located about 35 miles from Cleveland. It is a city farm colony institution, with
            eight main cottages for the housing of the boys. The population usually averages about
            140 boys, who are selected by the superintendent from among the boys who are committed
            to the Detention Home by the Juvenile Court. The survey found that the superintendent is
            able, through wise and practical management, to utilize in a very marked degree the
            facilities that are at hand, that he has a definite, well-organized plan of operation,
            and follows humane, though practical, methods in his administration. </p>

         <p>The Girls' Farm, which is located at Warrensville, was, at the time when the survey was
            made, in a process of reorganization. Mter this process was complete, the survey
            reexamined the institution and found that many of the practical features of the
            administration of the Boys' Farm have become characteristic of this institution for
            girls. It is now a thoroughly modern institution in its administration, and is hampered
            only by a lack of a proper building and proper facilities for administration. </p>

         <p>PAROLES </p>

         <p>FROM THE WORKHOUSE </p>

         <p>The Director of Welfare, with his parole office, and the superintendent at the workhouse
            jointly exercise the power to parole from the Warrensville workhouse. The survey speaks
            in commendatory terms of Director Blossom's great interest in the work of parole, and
            the extent of his investigation of the circumstances of individual cases. However, a
            more extensive record system, both in the parole office and at the workhouse, is
            recommended. </p>

         <p>FROM STATE INSTITUTIONS </p>

         <p>State institutions were not included in the survey, except in a somewhat casual manner,
            in cooperation with the careful and extensive work done by the Bureau of Public
            Efficiency in Columbus in investigating state institutions and state methods of
            correction. The so-called Norwood Bill, passed in 1921, is strongly condemned by the
            survey .. This </p>

         <p>[ 41 ) </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>bill has struck a very serious blow at the indeterminate sentence law by authorizing the
            courts to fix within the limits fixed by law a minimum duration of sentences in felony
            cases. In its place the survey recommended the enactment of a law similar to a New York
            law, under which the court sentences the prisoner to the penitentiary for the statutory
            maximum, but with no minimum. Mter the prisoner is received at the penitentiary a study
            is made of the information which the court had at the time of sentence, and of all
            information the parole board and the penitentiary officials are able to secure. This is
            embodied in a report and forwarded to the judge presiding in the court where sentence
            was imposed, with a recommendation of a specific minimum sentence. The court then has
            the opportunity to determine, upon the basis of more adequate information than he could
            possibly have at the trial, the minimum sentence which the prisoner should receive. </p>

         <p>PROBATION IN THE MUNICIPAL COURT </p>

         <p>Cleveland was one of the first cities to establish a probation department in its
            Municipal Court. The survey, however, finds that little or no progress has been made in
            this line of 'work since it was started many years ago. </p>

         <p>The probation system of Cleveland's Municipal Court has two branches-one a probation
            office for adult men and the other for women. Technically, both offices are under the
            probation officer for men. But in fact they are now two entirely separate offices
            without unified plans and with inadequate facilities for carrying on their work. The
            chief probation officer has two assistants, and the probation officer for women has two.
            These six officers are attempting to do the work which should be done by 20 officers.
            They have no clerks or typists. The filing system is not adequate for the work, and the
            entire surroundings are such that good work is almost impossible. The men's probation
            office is conducted with an utter lack of efficiency. There is no administrative ability
            back of the work. The chief probation officer is without a constructive plan, but makes
            an effort day by day to meet the problems of the day. The probation officer for women
            and her two assistants ha:ve a much better plan of operation. There is a definite plan
            of work, a consistent and fairly well-kept record, a fair system of reports, and a
            follow-up system, which is as well thought out and administered as facilities will
            permit. </p>

         <p>The Women's Protective Association, a private organization supported by the Community
            Fund, has an office in the Municipal Court. Its work is unofficial. It gives assistance
            to both divisions of the proba</p>

         <p>[ 42 ] </p>

         <p>tion department, and is willing to furnish field investigators and to assist in clerical
            work. However, it cannot be effective until a harmonious working basis is established
            between itself and the official probation department. Such a relationship does not now
            exist. </p>

         <p>PARDONS </p>

         <p>The Ohio Institute for Public Efficiency published, on December 1, 1921, a report of a
            study of Ohio's pardon system, which is published as an appendix to the survey. The
            following is a summary of this report : </p>

         <p>OHIO'S PARDONING SYSTEM </p>

         <p>In the past twenty-two years 837 pardons and commutations have been granted to prisoners
            in the Ohio penitentiary by the respective governors, or an average of 38 per year. The
            number varies greatly from year to year, as shown in three successive years, when 21,
            41, and 75 were granted. Nearly two-thirds of those committed for first and second
            degree murder during the ten-year period 1900 to 1909 inclusive, totaling 211, were
            released by pardon or commutation before November 15, 1921. On this date only nine of
            the 211 remained. </p>

         <p>In the six-year period, ending June 30, 1921, 384 individuals received 393 pardons and
            commutations after serving an average term of three years, four months, and twenty-six
            days each. The average time served by the 121 &quot;life termers &quot; thus released
            was six years, eight months, and twenty-five days each. Of the 93 first-degree murderers
            received from 1900 to 1909 inclusive, 23 served less than ten years, and of the 118
            second-degree murderers similarly received, 55 served less than ten years. </p>

         <p>The principal reason officially assigned by governors for granting pardons was
            &quot;recommended by the boards of pardon and clemency.&quot; This, however, is not a
            sufficiently definite statement. In some cases the real reason appeared to be the view
            that the minimum sentence was too long. Forty-one were released during the six-year
            period ending June 30, 1921, in honor of certain holidays. </p>

         <p>Three were released because of &quot;lack of mental responsibility.&quot; In other
            words, a person convicted of &quot;assault to kill &quot; is turned loose on a community
            because of a mental condition which increases the probability of another offense. </p>

         <p>It is recommended by the survey that pardons be granted only in cases where adequate
            evidence indicates that an injustice has been done, and in order at least partially to
            remedy that injustice ; or in rare cases </p>

         <p>[43] </p>

         <p>to reward extraordinary deeds of heroism or fidelity. In all other cases where executive
            action is deemed necessary it should be in the form of a commutation which should be
            granted only where adequate evidence indicates that the minimum sentence was unduly long
            and that the interests of society, as well as the individual, will be promoted. The
            sentimental practice of granting holiday commutations with little or no apparent other
            reason should be discontinued. </p>

         <p>PROPOSED NEW CRIMINAL COURTS BUILDING </p>

         <p>The very great importance of the building of a new structure to house the criminal
            courts and the various jails is indicated by the inadequacy of the present quarters. In
            all departments studied by the survey there is an appalling lack of housing facilities
            and a tffildency on the part of public officials to excuse their shortcomings because of
            this inadequacy. Therefore, the improvement of criminal justice in Cleveland demands
            that something be done immediately to provide proper housing of the institutions for
            administering criminal justice. </p>

         <p>Six times the people of this county voted upon the question of issuing bonds for a new
            criminal courts building. In five of the six instances the proposal was disapproved. At
            the present time the whole matter is seemingly deadlocked by a determination on the part
            of the voters not to allow the construction of such a building under present plans. </p>

         <p>The survey made some study of the plans and of the various proposals submitted by public
            and semi-public bodies, and recommended that police headquarters, criminal courts,
            prosecutors' offices, and county and city jail should be housed in a single building of
            the office building type. The Juvenile Court should be eliminated from the plans for
            this building and should be provided for either in a new building to be erected adjacent
            to the Detention Home or in a public school building. </p>

         <p>THE JUVENILE COURT </p>

         <p>The survey's consideration of the Juvenile Court was limited chiefly to the scope and
            methods of the work of the probation department and to the important question of the
            application of psychiatry to the work of the court. </p>

         <p>It found that the administrative shortcomings of the probation department 'were very
            great. The chief probation officer's time was too largely given to individual cases. His
            record system was inadequate, too much depending upon his ability to remember details.
            The mass of work which he attempted to do himself was so great as to prevent </p>

         <p>[ 44 ] </p>

         <p>him from adequately seeing his problem in its larger aspects, while too great discretion
            was permitted to rest with his office in matters involving very vital interests of
            persons coming to the court. </p>

         <p>When the survey was made the Juvenile Court was entirely dependent upon the schools for
            mental examinations of cases of juvenile delinquency. The psychologist for the Boys'
            School conducted examinations of children committed to the Detention Home, while certain
            cases selected by the judge are examined by the head of the school psychological clinic. </p>

         <p>RECOMMENDATIONS </p>

         <p>The most important recommendations of the survey relating to the Juvenile Court are : </p>

         <l>
            <li>
               <li_label>1. </li_label>

               <li_title>That an adequate probation department be organized under the direction of a
                  chief probation officer having rank and salary equivalent with that of an
                  assistant superintendent of schools. This officer shold be a competent executive,
                  able to get the maximum cooperation of other related social agencies, and should
                  give his time wholly to the overhead executive work of his office. </li_title>
            </li>

            <li>
               <li_label>2. </li_label>

               <li_title>Mental and physical examinations of children brought into the court should
                  be given not merely in those cases in which the judge or probation officer, after
                  &quot;sizing them up,&quot; require it. &quot;There should be a mental and
                  physical examination of every child brought into the Juvenile Court or its
                  probation department, and an extensive interchange of records of examinations
                  among all the agencies interested, before the case comes up in court for formal
                  action.&quot; The survey suggests reasonable ways in which such examinations may
                  be provided. </li_title>
            </li>
         </l>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>[ 451 </p>

         <p>MEDICAL SCIENCE AND CRIME </p>

         <p>SCIENCE AND CRIME </p>

         <p><figure actualtext="t">
                T</figure> HE purely vindictive theory of crime treatment dies
            hard. This theory views punishment as a means of frightening the criminal from repeating
            his offense and by the severity of the &quot; lesson &quot; to deter others from similar
            wrongdoing. Its weakness is in the fact that it neither cures nor deters. </p>

         <p>&quot;There was a time when medicine was practised on much the same basis. All the
            ailments of the human body were believed to be machinations of evil spirits. The
            reactions of chemical substances in the </p>

         <p>HE only way to stop us is to find out who and what we Tare and what we're good for. Then
            you've got to make punishment severe enough or opportunity good enough for us. You don't
            do either now. -Statement of Expert Criminal </p>

         <p>retort were thought to be presided over by good and evil spirits. The scientifi attitude
            which has removed these personal elements in the fields of pure science and of medicine
            is capable of doing the same in criminology. </p>

         <p>&quot;When the public becomes convinced that there are in the community specially
            trained persons who understand delinquency and whoare able to evaluate the ,various
            factors in behavior difficulties, the result will be like that already witnessed in the
            field of public health. Few persons today have to be coerced to be protected against
            disease or to be treated when they are ill. When the public has learned to regard
            behavior difficulties, delinquency, and crime as manifestations of mental difficulties
            requiring treatment, just as physical ailments do, and provides institutions and
            officers to deal with these troubles as mental disease, rather than from the point of
            view of punitive justice, we shall be able to record advances as notable as those of the
            public health </p>

         <p>[46 ) </p>

         <p>movement. And just as public health machinery has made large cities and small country
            villages healthy places in which to live, so this new public mental health movement will
            make our communities safe and sane places in which to live.&quot; (P. 440.) </p>

         <p>THE ADULT CRIMINAL </p>

         <p>More has been done in Cleveland in utilizing medical science in dealing with the
            juvenile offender than with the adult because of the slowness of public opinion to admit
            the lack of personal responsibility on the part of the adult offender. The survey found
            that &quot;except for the occasional perfectly obvious case, no use is made of medical
            and more especially mental treatment in dealing with adult offenders.&quot; </p>

         <p>And yet &quot;experience in some of our reformatories and penitentiaries has
            conclusively shown that the study of mentality yields information which no modern
            institution can neglect . .&#183; One need merely refer to the well-known work at Sing
            Sing, Concord, Elmira, and Bedford Hills, not to mention the institutions of New Jersey,
            Michigan, and Illinois, and especially the United States Disciplinary Barracks at Fort
            Leavenworth, Kansas. And what has come more and more to be considered indispensable in
            these institutions has proved itself of similar value to the courts. Mental examinations
            and personality studies are now insisted upon as a sine qua non in the work of
            practically all the juvenile courts of the country. The municipal courts of Chicago,
            Boston, Detroit, and Baltimore have psychopathic clinics or laboratories to which are
            referred all doubtful cases.&quot; (P. 447.) </p>

         <p>RECOMMENDATIONS FOR STUDY OF ADULT BEHAVIOR PROBLEMS </p>

         <l>
            <li>
               <li_label>1. </li_label>

               <li_title>A chief psychiatrist empowered to appoint three deputy psychiatrists, one
                  psychologist, and one assistant psychologist, should be appointed by the judge of
                  the Probate Court. </li_title>
            </li>

            <li>
               <li_label>2. </li_label>

               <li_title>This staff should examine and pass upon all cases coming before the Probate
                  Court, the Municipal Court, and the Court of Common Pleas in which the question of
                  insanity, epilepsy, or mental deficient.-y is raised. Also, in so far as possible,
                  this staff should examine all persons coming before the Municipal Court. The chief
                  psychiatrist should present to the court, in writing, a statement of the findings
                  and opinions of his staff in each case examined, although in cases of doubt or
                  dispute the court should be empowered to appoint a special psychiatrist to examine
                  the case. </li_title>
            </li>

            <li>
               <li_label>3. </li_label>

               <li_title>The services of this staff should be available for prosecutors, both city
                  and county. </li_title>
            </li>
         </l>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>[ 47 1 </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>4. There should be a mental health officer of the police department, who should devote
            his full time to the mental problems of the police force and of police work. He could be
            used in training policemen, make mental and personality examinations of candidates for
            appointments, and assist in determining promotions, especially to the detective force.
            He could also be present at special examinations of suspects and assist in securing
            confessions from them. I </p>

         <p>JUVENILE BEHAVIOR PROBLEMS </p>

         <p>&quot;To those who look back from a secure position in society upon an adventurous and
            unlucky childhood or youth, it must appear that every individual has been, at one time
            or another, more or less delinquent. 'There, but for the grace of God, goes John
            Bunyan,' expresses their unconscious feeling when they consider criminality.&quot; While
            this wide-spread feeling may permit the public at large to look with some sympathy upon
            juvenile delinquency and to permit a more scientific method of dealing with juvenile
            delinquents, it does not adequately explain the problem of delinquency to one who would
            differentiate between the significance of a single act and a series of reactions shown
            in the career of a delinquent individual. In other words, acts of delinquency, which
            appear to the ordinary person identical, may actually have been produced by entirely
            different kinds of individual characteristics. One may be the mere outbreak of the
            mischievous spirit of a normal person, while the other may be a manifestation of a
            hidden but potential criminal tendency. The only way to discriminate and thus to treat
            properly the various behavior problems of juvenile delinquency is through the assistance
            of persons skilled in psychiatry. </p>

         <p>Such skill in scientific treatment of criminality is in Cleveland most inadequate and
            scattered even for juvenile delinquents, and is practically nOll-tAititent in the case
            of adults. </p>

         <p>A CHILDREN'S INSTITUTE </p>

         <p>. .....n outstanding feature of Dr. Adler's report is his recommendation for the
            creation of a children's institute, to be under the jurisdiction of the board of
            education, and to furnish service to all the organizations which need the expert service
            in mental health. Under this institute there should be mental health stations, which
            should resemble dispensaries rather than hospitals. Every effort should be made to get
            visiting nurses, policemen, and such institutions as the Juvenile Court, the Humane
            Society, and the public school teachers to avail themselves of the services of these
            stations. </p>

         <p>[ 481 </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>Dr. Adler points out that, in Cleveland, the best plan would be to establish a
            psychopathic hospital as a part of the city hospital, and ultimately a psychiatric
            institute in connection with Lakeside or Fairview Hospital, in addition to the proposed
            &quot;children's institute.&quot; Only in this way can the large number of behavior
            cases which require observation in a city as large as Cleveland be adequately cared for. </p>

         <p>THE OBSOLETE OFFICE OF CORONER </p>

         <p>When the survey started, the Cleveland Academy of Medicine appealed to the Foundation
            asking that attention be directed to the distressing need either of drastic legislation
            reforming the coroner's office or its complete abolition. Consequently a study of this
            office was added to Dr. Adler's report. </p>

         <p>Shakespeare, in writing Hamlet, sought to bring some comedy into one of the world's most
            serious ' plays. The high spot in this bit of humor--when one may imagine the
            Elizabethan audience indulged in its loudest burst of laughter--is a reference to the
            &quot; crowner &quot; or coroner -a joke 300 years ago. </p>

         <p>CROWNER'S QUEST LAW </p>

         <p>First Clown: &quot;Here lies the water ; good : if the man go to </p>

         <p>this water and drown himself, it is, will he, nill he, he goes ; </p>

         <p>mark you that ; but if the water come to him and drown him, </p>

         <p>he drowns not himself; argal, he that is not guilty of his own </p>

         <p>death shortens not his own life.&quot; </p>

         <p>Second Clown: &quot;But is this the law? &quot; </p>

         <p>First Clown: &quot;Ay, marry, is't : crowner's quest [coroner's in</p>

         <p>questl law.&quot; </p>

         <p>-HAMLET </p>

         <p>Unlike most humor, the coroner's office becomes funnier with age. </p>

         <p>The arresting bit of seriousness is the wonder at its survival in the midst of the
            growth of civilization in America. </p>

         <p>The office of coroner is governed entirely by statute. It does not appear in the state
            constitutio}la f9!i\\nate circumstance for those who seek to abolish it. The
            coraUer,r,chleI&#183; duty is to determine in cases of sudden or unexplained de,atl)
            '&#163;he, ceiif.death and whether it resulted </p>

         <p>. . . .. .. . . . . </p>

         <p>.</p>

         <p>: : : ..:&#183;r f91 : .:</p>

         <p>. </p>

         <p>...... -. .. . . . . .. .... . ... . .. .. </p>

         <p>. .. .. ... . .</p>

         <p>. . </p>

         <p>. ... . .. &quot;. . . </p>

         <p>. . .. . . .. . </p>

         <p>. . . .. . . ... . .-. . </p>

         <p>..&quot; ... ... . ... ... . .. . .. </p>
         <figure>
             from unlawful means. In the latter case he must attempt to fix
            responsibility for the crime and name the perpetrator. The coroner is elected at the
            November election in even years. The coroner's staff is appointed by the county
            commissioners. Thus the coroner has nominal jurisdiction over his subordinates but
            cannot appoint or remove them. The duties of the coroner are as follows : The coroner
            holds &quot;inquests &quot; which consist of inquiries concerning the &quot; deaths
            supposed to have been caused by violence.&quot; This includes summoning witnesses,
            taking testimony, and the making of a report. The coroner is largely his own guide as to
            the deaths over which he holds inquests. He selects physicians to hold autopsies in
            certain cases where he deems it necessary, and is nominally in charge of the county
            morgue, although morgue keepers are appointed by the county commissioners. The main duty
            of the coroner being to determine the exact cause of deaths brought about &quot;by
            violence,&quot; it is interesting to note what sort of determinations have been made in
            individual cases. The following, taken from the list of causes of death recorded by the
            coroner in 1919, are i'mportant indications of the sort of assistance which the coroner
            gives in law enforcement. They stand impressively not only as indications that the exact
            causes of death are not determined in Cuyahoga County, but as evidence that the humorous
            character of &quot;crowners quest law &quot; did not die with Shakespeare : No. 22942 :
            &quot;Could be suicide or murder.&quot; No. 23178 : &quot;Aunt said she complained of
            pneumonia, looked like narcotism.&quot; No. 23203 : &quot;Believe strychnia used-viewed
            as suicide.&quot; No. 23241 : &quot; Looks suspicious of strychnine poisoning.&quot; No.
            22964 : &quot;Found dead.&quot; No. 22990 : &quot;Head severed from body.&quot; No.
            23035: &quot;Could be assault or diabetes.&quot; No. 23187 : &quot;Diabetes,
            tuberculosis or nervous indigestion.&quot; No. 23253 : &quot;Consider it
            tuberculosis.&quot; No. 23484 : &quot;Found crushed.&quot; No. 23512 : &quot;Could be
            diabetes or poison.&quot; No. 23551 : &quot;Died suddenly after taking medicine.&quot;
            No. 23605 : &quot;Died suddenly.&quot; No. 23670: &quot;Loss of blood.&quot; No. 23686 :
            &quot;Shock.&quot; The survey recommends thl\.Ub&quot;e otHc of coroner be abolished and
            a law similar to the New York or-:Mchi1setts law creating a medical examiner be enacted.
            ... '. ' . ' . '... ::: :. :-: &quot; , :: :. . . ' f J&quot; &#8226; &#8226;
            &#8226;&#8226; &#8226;&#8226; . .. .. oo oo.. &#8226;. ... . .. -.&quot; .. . . .. .. ..
            oo .. .. .. . . .. .. ... ... .. ..: :: :.: : : .. : . , : .. : : &quot;,. . &quot;. .
            .. .... .. ' &quot; .. .. ... .. .. . .. &quot;.. .. .. .. . . .. .. .. .. .. .. ' .' </figure>

         <p>THE BAR, THE PRESS, AND THE PUBLIC </p>

         <p>THE ATMOSPHERE IN WHICH JUSTICE IS ADMINISTERED , ' pUBLIC opinion &quot; is inchoate,
            it is irresponsible, it cannot fight </p>

         <p>back when it is assailed, it may be to blame and it may not,-no </p>

         <p>one knows and no one can know,-therefore it is blamed for most of our shortcomings. But
            it does have certain characteristic and somewhat specific tendencies. It does demand
            severity at times and permits laxness at other times. Consequently it is a factor which
            can be made the subject of study and investigation. </p>

         <p>The survey could not and did not go into the vast ramifications implied in a study of
            why the public permits certain things to be done. It did, however, select two of the
            outstanding forces which in any community influence, on the one hand, the administration
            of justice, and, on the other hand, the attitude of the public itself. These two
            influences bear a great share of the responsibility for the condition of criminal
            justice as it is now administered. They are the bar and the press. </p>

         <p>THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE BAR </p>

         <p>In the last analysis, the bar cannot escape in a large measure the responsibility for
            the quality of the administration of justice. Judges and prosecutors are recruited from
            the legal profession; the prevailing standards of the bar inevitably influence the
            quality of judicial service, and the public must largely look to the lawyers, with their
            intimate knowledge of and association with the courts, for informed leadership. The bar
            constitutes a specially privileged group which can influence and inform public opinion.
            The survey gave especial attention to this problem, the reports on the Criminal Courts
            and Prosecution refer very definitely to the responsibility of the bar, and Dean Pound
            in his summary volume places great emphasis upon it. </p>

         <p>The outstanding observations of the survey concerning the Cleveland bar as a whole are
            three in number : </p>

         <p>1. It is not well educated. </p>

         <p><figure> 
            </figure> [ 51 1 </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>
         <figure>
             2. Its best members ignore the administration of criminal justice.
            3. It is inadequately organized and disciplined. THE EDUCATION OF THE CLEVELAND BAR
            Recognizing the influence of the kind of legal education provided in Cleveland upon the
            quality of the administration of justice the survey employed Albert M. Kales to make a
            study of legal education in Cleveland. The standard of legal education is set by the
            laws of Ohio and the regulations provided by the State Board of Examiners. At present
            those LEADERSHIP OF THE BAR&quot;you are lawyers . . . your duty is a much larger thing
            than the mere advice of private clients. In every deliberate struggle of law you ought
            to be guides, not too critical and unwilling, not too tenacious of the familiar
            technicalities in which you have been schooled, not too much in love with precedents and
            the easy maxims which have saved you the trouble of thinking, but ready to give
            disinterested and expert advice to those who purpose progress and the readjustment of
            justice. &quot;You are servants of the public, of the state itself. It is your duty to
            advise those who make its laws; to advise them in the general interest with a view to
            the amelioration of every undesirable condition that the law can reach, in lightening of
            every burden law can lift and the righting of every wrong the law can rectify.&quot;
            -WOODROW WILSON to American Bar Association, 1910 taking the State bar examination must
            have studied law for three years, and must have a general education equivalent to a
            four-year high-school course. The applicant who studies in Cleveland may do so under the
            instruction of any attorney in Cleveland or in one of three law schoolsthe Law School of
            Western Reserve University, the Cleveland Law School, and the John Marshall Law School.
            During the past four years 58 persons from Cleveland, who have been admitted to the bar,
            presented attorneys' certificates for some period of study. Sixty-six Cleveland
            attorneys have given such certificates. This [ 52 ] </figure>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>method of study, at one time the orthodox way to prepare for the bar, has now become the
            least satisfactory. The American Bar Association has condemned this method of
            preparation, a view the survey shares. </p>

         <p>Some idea of the importance of the three law schools can be gained from the estimate of
            the survey that of the 1400 practising attorneys in Cleveland, 280 are graduates of the
            Western Reserve University Law School, 300 of the Cleveland Law School, and 20 of the
            John Marshall Law School. A still more significant indication of the importance of these
            law schools in the administration of criminal justice is found in the fact that &quot;
            the members of the bar of Cleveland who have acted as prosecutors in the past twenty
            years in Cleveland, 27 are graduates of the Cleveland Law School, 11 of the Law School
            of Western Reserve University, none of the John Marshall Law School, and 11 of other law
            schools, including one from Harvard, five from Michigan, one from Cornell, and two from
            Ohio State.&quot; </p>

         <p>Of the relative amount of instruction provided by the night law schools, which have come
            to furnish such a large proportion of the bar of Cleveland, Dean Pound states, &quot;It
            is not controversial that the standard of the night law schools in Cleveland is, in
            important respects, below the standard of such schools in other cities of the size of
            Cleveland; and very much below what it ought to be. The night schools in Cleveland
            require of the student 648 class-room hours as against 1080, the minimum in the day
            schools. Note what this means in the one matter of criminal law and procedure. One of
            the Cleveland night schools gives 26 classroom hours to this subject; the other gives
            30. On the other hand, not to go outside of Ohio, the three admittedly first-class
            schools, Cincinnati, Ohio State, and Western Reserve, give to that subject 72, 72, and
            90 hours respectively. Yet it is more than likely that the student with onethird of the
            legal training will be the one who will practise in the criminal courts. With one
            exception the night schools in Cleveland teach only the subjects required for the bar
            examination. They have inadequate library facilities, and their students have no time to
            use libraries if such facilities were at hand. But this means that they have no time to
            read the books that every lawyer ought to read if he is to form an adequate conception
            of his duties and of the system of administering justice of which he is to be a
            part.&quot; </p>

         <p>The survey does not take those in charge of the night law schools to task for these
            inadequate standards. It points out that with the standard set by the state the
            elimination of the night law schools would throw most of their students into the hands
            of lawyers who would &quot; instruct &quot; them in a still more unsatisfactory manner.
            Moreover, that it is not </p>

         <p>[ 53 J </p>

         <p>&quot;practicable to call upon the night law schools run for profit to adopt a higher
            standard. It is an economic fact that, so long as law schools run for private profit may
            freely enter the field of legal education, no such school can raise its standards above
            the minimum which will enable applicants for admission to the bar to pass the bar
            examinations. If one attempts to do so by requiring a longer period of study or more
            hours of study a week, it will at once lose patronage to a school which keeps to the
            minimum standard, or it will call into existence a school which will secure students on
            the basis of the minimum standard. This has already been demonstrated in
            Cleveland.&quot; </p>

         <p>The heart of the matter is the lack of adequate standards imposed by the state
            authorities. The survey shows that &quot; 85 per cent. of those who apply for
            examination pass the Ohio bar examination, whereas in New York 42 per cent. pass (on an
            average for the past ten years) and in Illinois 62 per cent. (on an average for the past
            nine years) . The only practicable remedy is to raise the standards for admission and
            thus enable the night schools to exact a reasonable education.&quot; </p>

         <p>In the matter of the standards for admission to the bar in Ohio the survey recommends
            that rigid restrictions and supervision be imposed upon private instruction by
            practising attorneys ; that the required fouryear high-school course should be completed
            before the beginning of the three-year legal course; that the character of legal study
            be prescribed by state authority in more detail ; the exercise of visitorial powers by
            the bar examiners or committees appointed by them ; and a rigid inquiry into the moral
            fitness of applicants, by a committee of the bar. </p>

         <p>THE AVOIDANCE OF CRIMINAL PRACTICE </p>

         <p>The replies to a questionnaire sent to all the members of the Cleveland bar developed
            the startling fact that, except in extraordinary cases and with a very few notable
            exceptions, the better members of the Cleveland bar ignore criminal practice entirely.
            Of the replies received, 40 per cent. accepted no criminal cases whatsoever, while only
            3 per cent. took criminal practice regularly. The reasons given for not accepting
            criminal practice were in most cases financial, while others expressed ethical or
            esthetic objections. </p>

         <p>Mr. Bettman's conclusion as to this avoidance of criminal practice is as follows : </p>

         <p>&quot; As a result, with some notable and praiseworthy exceptions, the practice in those
            courts is left to the lawyers of lesser sensitiveness regarding professional practices.
            The criminal branch of the administration of justice, dealing as it </p>

         <p>[ 54) </p>

         <p>does with the protection of the community against crime, the promotion of peace, safety,
            and morals of the inhabitants, the lives and liberties of men, and, therefore, from any
            intelligent point of view, the more important branch of the administration of the law,
            has become a sort of outlaw field which many a lawyer avoids as he avoids the slums of
            the city. </p>

         <p>&quot;Criminal practice must be made a field in which the lawyer and the gentleman (in
            the American sense of that word) can feel at home. And one of the courses which might
            promote this is for the lawyers, who are both lawyers and gentlemen, to return to the
            first principles regarding the position of the lawyer as an officer of the law and
            accept criminal practice. If the man accused of crime knows that he can obtain
            first-class talent at a reasonable compensation, he will have no excuse for taking his
            case to the shyster or police court hanger-on, and both the courts and prosecutors will
            then have some justification for feeling particularly suspicious and cautious in cases
            in which the defendants retain unscrupulous or disreputable lawyers.&quot; (Pages
            220-221.) </p>

         <p>THE ORGANIZATION OF THE BAR </p>

         <p>Cleveland has a bar association including 800 of the 1400 members of the city bar. For
            about three years it has maintained an office and a paid secretary. During this time
            there has been a marked increase in its activity as an organization. It has actively
            pushed important legislation and has investigated charges against members of the bar. It
            became very active in the McGannon case, pushing the perjury cases growing out of his
            trial, and subsequently forced his resignation. It influenced the governor to appoint a
            new chief justice of its own choosing, and actively campaigned for the election of this
            new chief justice for a period of years. Its recent record as compared with city bar
            associations in general is very commendable. </p>

         <p>Yet there is needed a more powerful organization of the bar than any voluntary
            association. Dean Pound states : &quot;The possibilities of corporate organization have
            been shown abundantly in the experience of incorporation of the lower branch of the
            profession in England. Bar associations may do much. Yet membership in them is
            voluntary, and the officers and committees of these associations are busy men, whose
            primary responsibilities are to their clients and who can give but a residue of their
            energies to professional discipline. . . . The plan of the American Judicature Society
            for corporate organization of the bar deserves to be studied and pondered by all lawyers
            who have the good of the profession and the improvement of the administration of justice
            at heart.&quot; </p>

         <p>[55 ) </p>

         <p>THE NEWSPAPERS AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE </p>

         <p>In the course of the survey those who were studying the police, prosecution, and the
            criminal courts found themselves encountering the newspapers as a persistent and potent
            factor in the problems studied. Public officials, lawyers, and private citizens all
            regarded the press as an unescapable factor in the situation. When it is considered that
            from 6 per cent. to 28 per cent. of the total news space in Cleveland papers is given
            over to news relative to the administration of justice, it is quite plain that the
            nature of what is printed, its quality and underlying standards, and the general
            atmosphere thereby generated, must exert a most profound influence upon those who
            administer justice and upon public opinion. </p>

         <p>Recognizing this importance of the newspapers, the survey employed M. K. Wisehart, an
            experienced journalist, to make a study of the Cleveland newspapers in their relation to
            the administration of criminal justice. His report, while not in any sense an exhaustive
            treatment of the subject, clearly establishes certain important ways in which the
            influence of the newspapers is exerted in the administration of criminal justice. These
            criticisms are somewhat extensively documented by extracts from the newspapers
            themselves. </p>

         <p>INTERFERENCE BY NEWSPAPERS IN LAW ENFORCEMENT </p>

         <p>The most common form which this takes is the irresponsible publication of statements
            which embarrass the official detection of wrongdoing. Numerous examples are given of
            publication of news which might very easily warn criminals of plans made by officials
            for their arrest. </p>

         <p>THE MAKING OF ATMOSPHERE </p>

         <p>In a criminal case newspapers have the power to create atmosphere. </p>

         <p>Public hostility or sympathy, against or for, an accused may influence the jury in its
            determination of guilt. Numerous instances are cited of the selection and treatment of
            newspaper material in a style plainly intended either to condone or to condemn the
            accused. &quot;Human interest is the excuse: corruption of the community's standards may
            be the result.&quot; </p>

         <p>Another kind of &quot;trial by newspapers&quot; is the deliberate printing of signed
            confessions or affidavits in connection with a trial. The chief evil of this is that it
            exposes the prosecutor's case before the case comes to trial. </p>

         <p>[56 J </p>

         <p>&quot; CRIME WAVES &quot; </p>

         <p>In recent years the phrase &quot;crime wave &quot; has been invented, and it has become
            fixed in popular belief that periodic outbreaks of crime are occurring. In order to
            determine accurately whether the great increase in crime publicity during a &quot;crime
            wave &quot; is really an indication of a great increase in crime, a study was made by
            the survey of the felonies reported and the inches of news space in. four weeks of
            January, 1919, a month which witnessed one of the most prominently displayed &quot;waves
            &quot; of recent years. </p>

         <p>The net result of the study shows that during the first two weeks 345 felonies were
            reported as compared with 363 during the last two weeks-not a great increase in crime.
            But during the first two weeks the three Cleveland newspapers gave 925 inches to crime
            and during the last two 6642. Thus what actually happened was a &quot;crime news
            wave.&quot; </p>

         <p>Newspapers often sponsor and carry through reforms marking real improvements in the
            administration of justice. Some newspaper campaigns, however, merely secure from public
            officials a seeming response to the things demanded. </p>

         <p>We have already seen the effect of sensationalism upon the caliber of the bench itself.
            The judge who does the extraordinary or sensational thing is advertised. The publicity
            he gets insures his reelection regardless of the real merits of his claim to another
            term. In this striving for cheap publicity the newspapers constantly lend such judges
            powerful but pernicious assistance. </p>

         <p>THE PUBLIC </p>

         <p>WHAT IS &quot;THE PUBLIC &quot; IN CLEVELAND? </p>

         <p>A cardinal principle in the philosophy of Dean Pound is the need of radical readjustment
            of legal institutions to fit the changed conditions of modern urban life. We are
            striving to meet problems peculiar to modern industrial life with a criminal law and
            judicial institutions devised to fit rural conditions of generations ago. This need of
            readjustment is especially marked in Cleveland. The population is unstable ; school
            statistics show that 40 per cent. of the children in the public schools moved during the
            year 1920-1921. The population is unstable and cosmopolitan, but the institutions are
            those of a past age. </p>

         <p>&quot;The ancestry of the court system and procedure in Ohio goes back to the Ordinance
            of 1787, which was passed by the Continental Congress for the government of the
            Northwest Territory. This represented the first effort in this country </p>

         <p>[57] </p>

         <p>to set up a judicial structure independently of the British crown-the courts of the
            seaboard states having all been developed under royal governors. It was the first time
            an English-speaking people had been allowed to experiment freely with a whole body of
            law. The precaution was taken, however, to forbid the legislative arm of the new
            territory to pass any laws not in effect in the original states. </p>

         <p>&quot;General Arthur St. Clair and his group of circuit-riding judges of common pleas,
            restricted as they were in the letter of the statute, developed a sort of
            rough-and-ready forest law. The Virginia code seems to have been their model. To members
            of the survey staff of the Cleveland Foundation who came from New England there were
            like unfamiIiarities, traceable in part to the Virginia origins. These old courts, set
            up to punish offenses against the peace of the forest and the plantations on its fringe,
            have been attempting in latter days to pacify urban and industrial populations. The
            institutions of the Old Dominion, carried into the wilderness by the gentlemen of the
            Ohio Company, now constitute the government of 800,000 Clevelanders.&quot; </p>

         <p>Under rural conditions the population, small and homogeneous, could in a measure keep
            its eyes upon the administration of criminal law and enforce a degree of discipline upon
            the public official which insured a fairly adequate administration of the law. Today the
            average citizen of Cleveland knows the lawyers and judges only from what he reads in the
            newspapers, and most casually from his experiences in the courts of litigation. Under
            such a handicap the judgment of the average citizen concerning the public official and
            his knowledge of what is going on is bound to be scanty and confused. </p>

         <p>THE NEED OF INFORMATION AND LEADERSHIP </p>

         <p>With such a &quot;public opinion&quot; to deal with there is need of strong civic
            leadership. The survey made some attempt to evaluate this leadership. It found a number
            of agencies, each in a limited degree interested in the administration of criminal
            justice. The Cleveland Automobile Club watches and promotes the prosecution of criminal
            cases involving the theft of automobiles; the Cleveland Chamber of Commerce, through its
            Safety Council, watches traffic cases, and through its Retail Merchants' Board the
            prosecution of cases of fraud and shoplifting involving retail merchants; the Humane
            Society, cases involving children and animals; the Advertising Club, through its Better
            Business Commission, the prosecution of &quot;fake&quot; advertisements; and the Woman's
            Protective Association, certain cases involving women. In addition the Civic League
            reports upon and recommends candidates for office, including judges and prosecutors,
            while the Bar Association takes </p>

         <p>a. poll of its members on candidates for the bench and publishes the </p>

         <p>[58] </p>

         <p>result. But these agencies, each effective in a limited sphere, do not include within
            the scope of their interest the entire problem of criminal justice. </p>

         <p>In practically all the reports the problem of improvement came ultimately to the need of
            an informed and active public opinion. Such an opinion should not operate casually as in
            the past-deeply concerned for a while and then indifferent. It should require a high
            standard from its public officials and, in order properly to measure their work, should
            have reliable means of information. </p>

         <p>The survey was intended to do no more than analyze the problem in its entirety, to point
            out the essential improvements, and to show the way by which such changes can be brought
            about. More important still, it had an educational value. It was intended to capture
            public interest, to get a larger number of people to think simultaneously about this
            specific problem, and to use this public interest to insure a permanent result. Those
            responsible for the survey could afford to indulge a quiet bit of inward amusement when
            the cynics said &quot;yes, but everyone will soon forget it.&quot; It was intended from
            the beginning not merely to rouse interest, but to use an aroused interest to promote
            permanent and intelligently directed facilities for informing and leading public
            opinion. This result has been achieved in the formation of the Cleveland Association for
            Criminal Justice. </p>

         <p>[ 59 J </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>THE CLEVELAND ASSOCIATION FOR CRIMINAL JUSTICE </p>

         <p>HE Cleveland Bar Association, in its resolution requesting the TFoundation to make the
            survey, pledged itself not only to cooperate in the making of the survey, but to aid
            &quot;in bringing about the adoption of the constructive measures recommended.&quot; In
            line with this pledge the Bar A..'I8ociation, after the survey reports had been given to
            the public, selected a committee &quot; to take up with the Cleveland Foundation &#8226;
            . . the matter of establishing an organization for the promotion of efficient
            administration of criminal justice.&quot; The chairman of this committee was Homer H.
            McKeehan. AP, a result of a number of conferences of not only representatives of the Bar
            Association and the Foundation, but a number of other civic bodies, there was formed in
            December, 1921, the Cleveland Association for Criminal Justice. This organization is an
            association of the great civic organizations of the city. The number of charter members
            is 13, including the following organizations : </p>

         <p>The Cleveland Bar Association </p>

         <p>The Cleveland Automobile Club </p>

         <p>The Cleveland Chamber of Commerce </p>

         <p>The Cleveland Advertising Club </p>

         <p>The Cleveland Academy of Medicine </p>

         <p>The Cleveland Real Estate Board </p>

         <p>The Civic League of Cleveland </p>

         <p>The League of Women Voters </p>

         <p>The Women's City Club </p>

         <p>The Cleveland Builders Exchange </p>

         <p>The Cuyahoga County Council of the American Legion </p>

         <p>The Cleveland Chamber of Industry </p>

         <p>The Industrial Association </p>

         <p>Under the articles of the association each of these organizations elects two members of
            the board of directors, with an additional 12 selected at large. This board of directors
            chooses an executive committee and </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>[60 1 </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>the officers of the organization. As has been mentioned, the members of the association
            are organizations, not persons. There is, however, provision for the enlistment of
            smaller civic organizations, such as church clubs, as auxiliary members, and for
            interested individuals as associate members. </p>

         <p>Some idea of the scope of activities of the organization may be gained from the names of
            the standing committees : </p>

         <p>Prosecution </p>

         <table>
            <tr>
               <td>Juries </td>

               <td>Courts </td>
            </tr>

            <tr>
               <td>Probation, Parole, Punishment and In-</td>

               <td>Medical Relations </td>
            </tr>

            <tr>
               <td>stitutions </td>

               <td/>
            </tr>

            <tr>
               <td>Finance </td>

               <td>Public Office Administration </td>
            </tr>

            <tr>
               <td>Legislation </td>

               <td>Publicity </td>
            </tr>
         </table>

         <p>In general the functions of the association will be as follows : </p>

         <l>
            <li>
               <li_label>1. </li_label>

               <li_title>To exercise a constant surveillance upon the processes of justice, to the
                  end that the public may be constantly informed as to conditions, both good and
                  bad, which exist in the field of criminal justice. </li_title>
            </li>

            <li>
               <li_label>2. </li_label>

               <li_title>To assist those in authority to make improvements, where desirable,' in the
                  organization and operation of the agencies of criminal justice. </li_title>
            </li>
         </l>

         <p>The association has assured itself of financial support and plans to continue for an
            indefinite period of not less than five years. As operating director, the association
            has selected Charles DeWoody, who took office January I, 1922. </p>

         <p>There has thus been created an agency, backed by the aggregate power of the most
            important civic organizations (including over 50,000 individual members), to represent
            the all-important public interest in the processes by which life and property are
            protected in a great city. </p>

         <p>The Association for Criminal Justice has been operating since January I, 1922. While
            thoroughgoing changes in the methods and machinery of criminal justice are not to be
            expected so soon, there are ample indications that such changes are under way. The most
            important service of the association must be that of maintaining a constant check upon
            the administration of criminal justice, to furnish a means for an intelligent alert
            public appraisal of the efficiency of law enforcement. The chief means through which
            this will be done by the Association is through its card index protective system. </p>

         <p>On March I, 1922, the association began the operation of a carefully worked-out system
            of card indexing felonies. It is possible, through this system, to determine at once the
            status of every felony and major </p>

         <p>[ 61 ] </p>

         <p>crime committed in the county, with complete information as to the nature of the
            offense, the person or persons arrested, the injured party, and the exact status of the
            prosecution. It also records every bondsman, with essential facts concerning him, thus
            bringing automatically to the attention of the association the &quot;professional
            bondsman.&quot; It thus records at every step in prosecution the name of the judge, the
            prosecutor, the attorney for the defense, and any other official who participates in a
            case, thus permanently fixing responsibility for every action in every felony case.
            There is no other one office in the courts or police department where complete
            information regarding a given case can be obtained. The survey found in every division
            of its investiga-</p>

         <p>VERY once in a while the accumulation of miscarriages Eof justice, scandals, and
            unpunished crimes arouses the community and it institutes a special grand jury
            investigation or a specially aggressive newspaper campaign or a survey, and then,
            forgetting that the accumulation was the inevitable result of the habitual defects in
            the machinery, it turns to something-new, whereupon the old ways go on toward the next
            inevitable accumulation. Unfortunately, since royalty and autocracy have gone out of
            fashion, there is no device yet invented whereby the public can leave public matters
            entirely to public officials and at the same time get the results which it desires.
            Continuous public check, scrutiny, reform, praise, condemnation, election, discharge,
            are necessary. -BETl'MAN, Survey Report </p>

         <p>tion that much official carelessness and favoritism was possible because little or no
            responsibility could be fixed in a given case. It also found that the police court
            parasites, such as the political lawyer and the professional bondsman, were dependent
            for existence chiefly upon the assurance that they would leave no tracks behind. In view
            of these facts it is easy to see the great significance of such a public check as the
            card index system worked out by the association. It makes possible the turning of the
            curative light of publicity upon all the dark corners in the process of criminal
            procedure. </p>

         <p>The association, through its director, has been in constant contact with judges,
            prosecutors, and police officials. A fine spirit of cooperation </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>(62) </p>

         <p>has been shown everywhere. Many important changes have been worked out by officials with
            the cooperation of the association. One noteworthy example has been the elimination of
            preliminary hearings in felony cases in the Municipal Court. The survey pointed out the
            excessive delay in criminal cases caused by the large number of steps in the process. It
            indicated that in 1919 an average of twenty-one and one-half days elapsed between arrest
            and indictment. Under the new system in the month of March this was reduced to six and
            three-quarter days. </p>

         <p>Another change worked out with the cooperation of the association has been the
            promulgation, by the chief of police, of regulations providing for much more effective
            assistance by the police to prosecution of cases. </p>

         <p>OTHER INDICATIONS OF MORE EFFECTIVE CRIMINAL JUSTICE </p>

         <p>A number of marked improvements have been made in the administration of criminal justice
            which may or may not be the result of the survey or of the efforts of the association.
            They are in any event the product of an increased public interest in which the survey
            played some part. The most important of these are as follows : </p>

         <l>
            <li>
               <li_label>1. </li_label>

               <li_title>In December the Common Pleas judges formed a new probation department for
                  their court. This department is already in operation, with a fairly adequate staff
                  of workers. </li_title>
            </li>

            <li>
               <li_label>2. </li_label>

               <li_title>The Bar Association, following the suggestion of the survey, conducted a
                  vote among its members as to whether the three Common Pleas judges, whose term
                  expires this year, shall be continued in office. Following this balloting the Bar
                  Association has formed a committee actually to conduct a campaign for their
                  reelection, thus taking from th(&gt; judges the burden so hurtful to the dignity
                  and efficiency of judges of carrying on their own campaigns single handed. The Bar
                  Association is already in the process of forming the judicial council recommended
                  by the survey. </li_title>
            </li>

            <li>
               <li_label>3. </li_label>

               <li_title>The prosecutors' offices have been greatly improved, both in personnel and
                  in business methods. The new city administration selected as police prosecutors a
                  much higher type of men and have insisted upon more and better service from them.
                  The county prosecutor has coOperated heartily with the association and has
                  immeasurably increased the efficiency of the office. </li_title>
            </li>

            <li>
               <li_label>4. </li_label>

               <li_title>The grand jury now in operation has very markedly increased the
                  effectiveness of the process of indictment. </li_title>
            </li>

            <li>
               <li_label>5. </li_label>

               <li_title>While it is always dangerous to claim a marked decrease in crime as due to
                  a specific cause, it is nevertheless incontestable that Cleveland </li_title>
            </li>
         </l>

         <p>[ 63 ] </p>

         <p>has, in general, since January 1, 1922, enjoyed a marked decrease in the number of
            crimes committed. This is all the more remarkable when the &quot;crime waves &quot; are
            disturbing the security of other cities, notably New York. Cleveland can, we believe,
            rightly claim that it has passed through a winter without a &quot;crime wave. &quot; </p>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>
         <figure>

            
         </figure>

         <p>[ 64 ] </p>

         <p>THE COMPLETE REPORT OF THE CRIME SURVEY </p>
      </sect>
  

  
      <h4>CRIMINAL JUSTICE IN CLEVELAND </h4>

      <p>HE reports summarized in this pamphlet are pubTlished in a single volume of 700 pages, with
         60 statistical tables, 17 diagrams, and 13 illustrations ; bound in cloth, price, $3.75. </p>

      <p>Sections of the report are: </p>

      <p>1. Police Administration. By RAYMOND B. FOSDICK </p>

      <p>. The Criminal Courts. By REGINALD HEBER SMITH and HERBERT B. EHRMANN, both of the Boston
         Bar </p>

      <p>3. Prosecution. By ALFRED BETTMAN, formerly city solicitor of Cincinnati </p>

      <p>4. Correctional and Penal Treatment. By BURDETTE </p>

      <p>G. LEWIS, state commissioner of institutions and agencies in New Jersey </p>

      <l>
         <li>
            <li_label>5. </li_label>

            <li_title>Medical Science and Criminal Justice. By DR. HERMAN M. ADLER, state
               criminologist of Illinois </li_title>
         </li>

         <li>
            <li_label>6. </li_label>

            <li_title>Legal Education in Cleveland. By ALBERT M. KALES, of the Chicago Bar
            </li_title>
         </li>

         <li>
            <li_label>7. </li_label>

            <li_title>Newspapers and Criminal Justice. By M. K. WISEHART, newspaper and magazine
               writer </li_title>
         </li>

         <li>
            <li_label>8. </li_label>

            <li_title>Criminal Justice in the American City. By ROSCOE POUND </li_title>
         </li>
      </l>

      <p>Prices or separate sections, paper bound: I. 2. 3. and 8, $1 each ; &quot; and 5.50 cents
         each; 6. 25 cents </p>

      <p>THE CLEVELAND FOUNDATION</p>

      <p>1308 SWETLAND BUILDING </p>

      <p>CLEVELAND, OHIO </p>
         </ab>
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